Misunderstanding of Memes

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    75

    The misunderstanding

    of memes: Biography of

    an unscientic object,19761999

    Je remy Tr evelyan Burma n

    York University

    When the meme was introduced in 1976, it was as a metaphor intended toilluminate an evolutionary argument. By the late-1980s, however, we see

    from its use in major US newspapers that this original meaning had becomeobscured. The meme became a virus of the mind. (In the UK, this occurred

    slightly later.) It is also now clear that this becoming involved complexsustained interactions between scholars, journalists, and the letter-writingpublic. We must therefore read the meme through lenses provided by its pop-ularization. The results are in turn suggestive of the processes of meaning-construction in scholarly communication more generally.

    Greed, for lack of a better word, is good. Greed is right. Greedworks. Greed claries, cuts through, and captures the essence of theevolutionary spirit.

    Gordon Gekko, as portrayed by Michael

    Douglas in the 1987 lm Wall Street

    From the outset [in 1976] the reviews were gratifyingly favorable and it[The Selsh Gene] was not seen, initially, as a controversial book. Its repu-tation for contentiousness took years to grow until, by now, it is widely

    An earlier version of this paper was pre-circulated and presented at the History &Theory of Psychology Evening Colloquium Series in the Fall of 2010. The author wishesto thank Jacy Young (the series coordinator) for the invitation to speak, as well as allthose who attended and provided feedbackespecially Laura Ball, Ron Sheese, KelliVaughn, and Fred Weizmann. It was originally written following the publication ofAlexandra Rutherfords (2009) Beyond the Box, whichamong other thingsused popu-lar press coverage to examine how the ideas of B. F. Skinner became integrated with Amer-ican thinking in the 1950s1970s. Finally, it should also be noted that the resultingmanuscript would not have taken the shape it did were it not for the contributions of ahandful of correspondentsmost notably Michael Schrage. Responsibility for all remain-ing errors and omissions rests with the author.

    Perspectives on Science 2012, vol. 20, no. 12012 by The Massachusetts Institute of Technology

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    regarded as a work of radical extremism. But over the very same years asthe books reputation for extremism has escalated, its actual contenthasseemed less and less extreme, more and more the common currency.

    Richard Dawkins, in the preface tothe 1989 edition of The Selsh Gene

    How could it be that Dawkins most famous book became controversial,but not as a result of what it said? How could its ideas have become thebasis of textbooks, yet its arguments be labeled increasingly as revolution-ary? The answers to these questions are tied to the reception of its claims:in particular, that genes are selshpurposefully greedy in the pursuit oftheir own survival.

    This interpretation of the books argument, as it became increasinglywell-known, seemed to justify the self-centeredness of the 1980s: greed isgood, because thats just how evolution works (see e.g., James 1998,2008). Yet Dawkins anticipated this reading, and defended against it,even reaching out to the public in a collaboration with the BBC: an epi-sode ofHorizon, Nice guys nish rst (Taylor 1986), laid out his positionin clear terms.

    In this early documentary, Dawkins discussed the importance of indi-vidual choice in producing optimal outcomes through cooperation (cf.

    Dawkins 1989, pp. 202233). Indeed, the lm echoed his books closingline: We, alone on earth, can rebel against the tyranny of the selsh(Dawkins 1976, p. 215). I suggest, therefore, that the continuing recep-tion of his ideas as controversialin the 1980s and through the 1990scan be understood more deeply if we examine what has been understood asThe Selsh Genes secondary claim, as well as how the two claims came tohave the meaning they now have.

    If individual choice can lead to more optimal results than blindselshness, as Dawkins argued in his documentary, then that which shapes

    choice itself becomes evolutionarily important. Indeed, in The Selsh Gene,Dawkins even seemed to suggest a way to think about this: that that which

    shapes choice in humanscultureis like a large shared genetic pool, inwhich the most virulent ideas compete to infect your mind. The popularunderstanding of this second claim will be the focus of this essay: thatideas are selsh, even if the individuals who think them (i.e., those who areinfected by an idea) dont themselves intend to be greedy.

    However, to say that this second claim was received is to misrepre-sent its history. The notion of a meme didnt hit the newspapers in the US

    until the late-1980s, and later still in the UK. A disciplinary critical masswas only achieved in the late-1990s, when a peer-reviewed journalthe

    Journal of Memeticswas founded and several popularizing books pub-

    76 Misunderstanding of Memes

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    lished (e.g., Blackmore 1999; Brodie 1996; Lynch 1996). Clearly, though,this was not the result of an immediate infection: the memes virulencetook twenty years to engineer.

    The 90s-era exuberance diminished somewhat in the new millennium.The ideas merit as a scientic claim came into question (e.g., Atran 2001;Aunger 2000; Distin 2005). Doubts were expressed about whether andhow the advances suggested by the claim were supposed to be meaningful(e.g., Jahoda 2002ab) or even novel (e.g., Kilpinen 2008). And the journalfailed. But few critics have chosen to focus on the processes by which theidea itself came to have the meaning it now has. Such is the goal here: tolay out the story of that which became controversial in the 1980s, and in-sightful in the 1990s, by tracing the actions of the individuals involved in

    the construction of its meaning.The fact is, perhaps surprisingly to some readers, Dawkins did not

    make the claim that has since been attributed to him. The meme was notintroduced purposefully as an idea virus. It was a metaphor. Dawkinsintent, in The Selsh Gene (1976), was not to put the meme forward as thetrue cultural counterpart to the gene. Rather, he used it as part of a largergoal: redening the fundamental unit of selection in evolutionary biology.In short, he hoped to catalyze a shift in understanding; he hoped to redi-rect the focus of biology away from genes and toward a more general en-

    gine for evolution. There werent two claims in the rst edition of TheSelsh Gene; there was only one, albeit a different one from what manyreaders have understood.

    Dawkins intentcontrary to the popular understandingwas neverto inaugurate the new science of memetics. That was accidental. He ex-plained this in an essay published in Time magazine in 1999:

    I am occasionally accused of having backtracked on memes, of hav-ing lost heart, pulled in my horns, had second thoughts. The truth

    is that my rst thoughts were more modest than some memeticistsmight wish. For me the original mission was negative. The wordwas introduced at the end of a book that otherwise must haveseemed entirely devoted to extolling the selsh gene as the be-alland end-all of evolution, the fundamental unit of selection. Therewas a risk that my readers would misunderstand the message as be-ing necessarily about DNA molecules. . . . This was where thememe came in. (Dawkins 1999a, p. 46; see also Dawkins 1999b,p. xvi)

    The original meme, in other words, was a rhetorical ourish intended toclarify a larger argument.

    That Dawkins intended clarication has since gotten so confused is an

    P er spe ct iv es o n S ci en ce 77

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    interesting problem, both of the history of biology and more generally ofthe public understanding of science. That the resulting misunderstandingshares an obvious overlap with psychology suggests it also affords a prob-

    lem for the history of that discipline as well. These problems situate thisessay at the boundary between the usual scholarly silos: it presents a his-tory of a biological (and psychological) idea, but not of Biology (or Psy-chology) per se.

    My purpose here is simply to lay out how the memes interminglingscame to be: how The Selsh Gene came to imply a selsh meme. But it isnot intended to unmix the mixed metaphor (instead, see Henrich, Boyd,and Richerson 2008; Jeffreys 2000). Nor does it attempt to present a his-tory of the idea itself (see Costall 1991). Rather, what follows is intended

    to contribute to a larger discourse regarding the emergence of meaningfulinter-disciplines at the boundary between hard science and human science.In this sense, it is broadly related to the recent examinations of socio-biology (e.g., Jumonville 2002; Li and Hong 2003), social Darwinism(e.g., Weikart 2003), and evolutionary psychology (e.g., Cassidy 2005;2006). That said, however, it also takes a very different approach. Theresult is something rather more like a biography of a scientic object,except of course that the meme was never scientic to begin with. 1 Inshort, therefore, what follows is a story about the construction of meaning

    through social interaction; how an understanding is shared among mindsthat are forever situated in their own contexts, having their own interests,and working toward their own ends. It is not a story about the spread of asocial infection.

    To achieve all of this, the essay begins simply by situating the originalproposal (I). What was Dawkins doing when he introduced the meme? Ithen examine the rst major popularization of the meme proposal, inDouglas Hofstadter and Daniel Dennetts collection The Minds I (II).Th