Les normes internationales du travail:un patrimoine pour lavenir

Mlanges en lhonneur de Nicolas Valticos

Bureau international du Travail Genve2004

Les normes internationales du travail:un patrimoine pour lavenir

Mlanges en lhonneur de Nicolas Valticos

Prface deJuan Somavia

Sous la direction deJean-Claude Javillier et Bernard Gernigon

CoordinateurGeorges P. Politakis

Copyright Organisation internationale du Travail 2004

Les publications du Bureau international du Travail jouissent de la protection du droit dauteur en vertu du protocole n 2, annexe la Convention universelle pour la protection du droit dauteur. Toutefois, de courts passages pourront tre reproduits sans autorisation, la condition que leur source soit dment mentionne. Toute demande dautorisation de reproduction ou de traduction devra tre adresse au Bureau des publications (Droits et licences), Bureau international du Travail, CH-1211 Genve 22, Suisse. Ces demandes seront toujours les bienvenues.

ISBN 92-2-216555-1

Premire dition 2004

Les dsignations utilises dans les publications du BIT, qui sont conformes la pratique des Nations Unies, et la prsentation des donnes qui y fi gurent nimpliquent de la part du Bureau international du Travail aucune prise de position quant au statut juridique de tel ou tel pays, zone ou territoire, ou de ses autorits, ni quant au trac de ses frontires.

Les articles, tudes et autres textes signs nengagent que leurs auteurs et leur publication ne signifi e pas que le Bureau international du Travail souscrit aux opinions qui y sont exprimes.

La mention ou la non-mention de telle ou telle entreprise ou de tel ou tel produit ou procd commercial nimplique de la part du Bureau international du Travail aucune apprciation favo-rable ou dfavorable.

Les publications du Bureau international du Travail peuvent tre obtenues dans les principales librairies ou auprs des bureaux locaux du BIT. On peut aussi se les procurer directement, de mme qu'un catalogue ou une liste des nouvelles publications, ladresse suivante: Publications du BIT, Bureau international du Travail, CH-1211 Genve 22, Suisse, ou par e-mail: pubvente@ilo.orgou par notre site web: www.ilo.org/publns.

Photocompos en Suisse WEIImprim en Suisse PCL

v

Table of contents

Preface Prface Prefacio . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxi

Part 1 | The Supervisory System

Les mcanismes de contrle de lOIT:bilan de leur effi cacit et perspectives davenir . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3Eric Gravel

Shaping a dynamic ILO system of regular supervision:The Valticos years . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11Ernest A. Landy

The Berufsverbot problem revisited Views from Geneva and Starsbourg . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21Klaus Samson

Standard-setting and supervision: A system in diffi culty . . . . . . . . . . 47William R. Simpson

Some remarks concerning the Commissions of Inquiry establishedunder the ILO Constitution . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75Budislav Vukas

vi Mlanges Nicolas Valticos

Part 2 | Freedom of Association

Une page dhistoire de lOIT: la Pologne . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83Francis Blanchard

Democracy, freedom of association and the ILO . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89Karen Curtis

La libert syndicale et les missions sur place de lOIT . . . . . . . . . . . 107Bernard Gernigon

Une rvolution de velours dans lordre juridique internationalen matire de droits fondamentaux des travailleurs . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121Tomi Kohiyama et Mara Marta Travieso

Le Comit de la libert syndicale (I): origines et gense . . . . . . . . . . 159Alberto Odero et Mara Marta Travieso

Le Comit de la libert syndicale (II):composition, procdure et fonctionnement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195Alberto Odero et Mara Marta Travieso

Part 3 | International Labour Standards and Internal Legal Order

En aval des normes internationales du travail: le rle de lOITdans llaboration et la rvision de la lgislation du travail . . . . . . . . . 219Arturo Bronstein

The use of international labour law in domestic courts:Theory, recent jurisprudence, and practical implications . . . . . . . . . . 249Constance Thomas, Martin Oelz, and Xavier Beaudonnet

Efi cacia juridica de los convenios de la OIT en el plano nacional . . . . 287Geraldo von Potobsky

Souvenirs dune vie internationale (photos) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 307

Part 4 | Constitutional Theory and Current Issues

The Consolidated Maritime Labour Convention:A marriage of the traditional and the new . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 319Cleopatra Doumbia-Henry

Normas internacionales del trabajo y trabajo decente:El impacto de las normas internacionales del trabajosobre el desarrollo econmico y social sostenible . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 335J. Ricardo Hernndez Pulido

How the ILOs international labour standards can help in the fi ghtagainst HIV/AIDS in the world of work . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 355Jane Hodges-Aeberhard

Rfl exion sur lide dun droit international coutumier du travail . . . . . 363Vronique Marleau

The Annual Review and the promotion of the 1998 ILO Declarationon Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work: Developmentsand initial impact assessment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 411Momar NDiaye

Deconstructing fl exibility in international labour Conventions . . . . . . 463George P. Politakis

Les recommandations internationales du travail: instrumentsmal exploits ou maillon faible du systme normatif ? . . . . . . . . . . . 497George P. Politakis et Kroum Markov

Rserves et conventions internationales du travail . . . . . . . . . . . . . 527Guido Raimondi

La OIT y los trabajadores migrantes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 541Miguel Rodrguez-Piero Bravo-Ferrer

Normes internationales du travail et responsabilit socialedes entreprises . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 565Jean-Michel Servais

International labour standards and the informal economy . . . . . . . . . 585Anne Trebilcock

Table of contents vii

viii Mlanges Nicolas Valticos

International labour standards as a model for the future:The case of fi nancial regulation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 615Katerina Tsotroudi

Part 5 | Future Perspectives on Standards

Globalization, values, and international law in the world of work . . . . 645Janelle Diller

Libres propos sur la part du droit dans lactionde lOrganisation internationale du Travail . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 659Jean-Claude Javillier

Persuasion et contrainte aux fi ns de la mise en uvredes normes et objectifs de lOIT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 687Francis Maupain

Rarely have offi cials been identifi ed to such an extent with a specifi c fi eld of ILO action as Nicolas Valticos was with the Organizations standards-related activities. So much so that, for over 30 years, it was almost tautological to refer to standards and the inspired Director of NORMES.

As early as the transition period, I was personally very keen to meet this living incarnation of ILO standards and if possible obtain the benefi t of his wisdom and advice as regards important steps that would have to be taken later. I will never forget a lunch I was privileged to have with him shortly after taking offi ce. His erudition, his benevolent wit, his natural empathy for so many peoples and countries that I also happened to know, the combination of his healthy sense of realities and fi rm convictions, made for a conversation which was an enchantment for the mind and for the heart. When leaving the table I had the feeling not only of a rare alas unique moment, but also of leaving a friend that I had known and respected for ever.

Refl ecting on standard-setting and the supervision of standards as a key component of ILO action, especially in the current context of the ILOs focus on achieving a fair globalization, brings three words to my mind paradigm, responsibility and vision all, of course, within the framework of the ILOs prin-cipal characteristic and method, namely tripartism, with its emphasis on dialogue and partnership.

Standards as paradigms

Standards are the history of the ILO. As the international institution which has produced the largest number of binding and non-binding instru-ments in the fi eld of human rights, standards remain at the very centre of the ILOs mandate and its day-to-day work. Whether they are viewed as minimum

Preface

Juan Somavia

ix

x Mlanges Nicolas Valticos

living standards, benchmarks or decent work indicators, or more recently as the building blocks of a socio-economic fl oor for the global economy, whether they are delivered in the form of hard or soft law, standards epitomize the idea of openly discussed and agreed principles refl ecting widely held values, which governments, employers and governments can use to structure labour market systems.

By offering paradigms, the ILO gives tangible content to the notion of social justice that it consistently defends and strives to promote. Standards en-capsulate components of human dignity and security which should be enjoyed by everyone in the world of work. They offer the necessary yardstick of fairness to measure progress, but also to reveal backwardness.

As I noted in my 2001 report Reducing the decent work defi cit: A global chal-lenge, normative action helps to clarify the meaning of decent work: standards provide an authoritative answer to the question of what decent work implies in concrete terms as regards the preconditions (fundamental principles and rights), its content (work that meets certain criteria of quality and security) and the process whereby it can be achieved (social dialogue). It also helps to put the Decent Work Agenda into practice: standards are a stern indicator of progress towards the achievement of ILO objectives, not through lip-service but in law and in practice (p. 59).

Standards as a source of responsibility

Standard-setting has constituted a core activity of the ILO since its in-ception, and indeed the single most important reason for its creation. As such, the corpus of international labour standards elaborated over the years stands today as an impressive heritage, a vital source of pride, but also of responsibility responsibility to manage the accumulated normative wealth effectively, protect the impact of standards, keep a watchful eye on their continued application, promote and strengthen their relevance. This is a mission that the Offi ce must continue to carry out with conviction and realism. The ongoing discussion on the direction and modalities of normative action requires responsible refl ection on, among others, ways of achieving a stronger focus on dialogue, intensifying technical cooperation, deepening legislative and policy analysis, multiplying ad-visory activities, and adding muscle to the supervisory machinery.

Responsibility also means that the ILO has to be fully responsive to the aspirations, needs and concerns of all its constituents. Tripartism is a key asset which must be carefully nurtured and further developed. The partnership of workers, employers and governments remains the foundation of the ILOs rel-evance in the changing world of work. While confl icting views and interests may

often make choices diffi cult, they are also conducive to balanced compromises. Sensitivities are keen and consensus-building at times appears hard to operate, yet this is precisely what our constituents expect from the ILO so that it can provide them with guidance which is both authoritative and relevant. The effort required to mainstream international labour standards has to remain at the fore-front of ILO action. The credibility of the standards system largely depends on the outcome of this effort, hence the increased sense of responsibility currently hanging over the normative action of the Organization. Our unique expertise in the fi eld of standards confers upon the ILO undisputed legitimacy to play an active role in managing the social dimensions of globalization.

Standards and the need for vision

Past accomplishments oblige us to be forward-looking and innovative. In my 1999 Report on Decent Work, I placed emphasis on the need to renew work on labour standards and experiment with new approaches (p. 17). The system for the adoption and supervision of standards is showing signs of fatigue and of being pushed to its limits. And the system is too highly valued to be left to fend for itself. This is not of course meant to call into question the relevance of the Organizations normative work, but rather to marshal creative forces with a view to reforming working methods, devising and testing new procedures, adapting mentalities and drawing the right lessons from past failures.

By way of example, I specifi cally referred in the Decent Work report to the idea of framework conventions and the possibility of combining binding and non-binding provisions in a fl exible, all-encompassing instrument, easy to update, and as refl ective of universal elements as of regional traditions. Some fi ve years after issuing this call, the draft Consolidated Maritime Labour Con-vention today offers a highly interesting blueprint of what might well be a fresh start in standard-setting, offering an effective match between past principles and future needs.

In its February 2004 report A Fair Globalization: Creating opportunites for all, the World Commission on the Social Dimension of Globalization suggested that the capacity of the ILO to promote core labour standards should be re-inforced and that the ILO itself should be strengthened by increasing the resources available for fair and appropriate supervision and monitoring (para. 426). When presenting some initial refl ections at this years Conference on the implications of the Commissions report for the ILO, I highlighted certain pri-ority courses of action, such as identifying a more integrated set of international labour standards, increasing assistance to constituents at the country level, en-hancing the effi ciency of the established supervisory machinery, developing

Preface xi

xii Mlanges Nicolas Valticos

viable strategies to address the governance problems underlying the growth of the informal economy in many countries, and mobilizing international organ-izations to promote international labour standards (pp. 46-48).

To conclude, the modernization of ILO standards and their fuller integra-tion into a coherent whole as a means for achieving greater effi cacy therefore remains a critical task. The Decent Work agenda, as the shorthand description of the Organizations mission, is inseparable from an effort to strengthen the effi cacy and relevance of the unique international labour standards regime so that it can be of assistance to all countries in their endeavour to promote decent work on all fronts. We therefore need to continue leading by paradigm and with vision, and delivering with responsibility. I fi rmly believe that Nicolas Val-ticos would have whole-heartedly endorsed these thoughts.

Finally, I wish to compliment those who have taken this excellent initiative as a means of paying tribute to Nicolas Valticos for his immense contribution to the advancement of the ILOs objectives. After all, the Offi ce is nothing more than the cumulative radiance of the skills and talents of each and every one of its offi cials; in this sense, Nicolas Valticos has left with us a lasting example to follow and a gap that it is extremely diffi cult to fi ll.

October 2004

Rarement un fonctionnaire aura incarn avec autant de force que Nicolas Valticos ce domaine si spcifi que de laction de lOIT que peut tre laction con-cernant les normes internationales du travail. Il y est si bien parvenu qu la fi n de ses trente annes de carrire, la mention mme du directeur de NORMES tait devenue pratiquement lexpression tautologique des normes internationales du travail.

Alors que nous nen tions encore qu la priode de transition, jai prouv le dsir ardent de faire mieux connaissance avec cette incarnation vivante des normes de lOIT et, pour autant que cela ft possible, de puiser quelques conseils aux sources de sa sagesse en vue des dcisions quil faudrait prendre plus tard. Je noublierai jamais un certain djeuner qui nous avait runis peu aprs ma prise de fonctions. Mon esprit et mes sentiments tombrent sous le charme de son rudition, de sa spiritualit bienveillante, de son empathie naturelle pour tant de gens et de pays que je connaissais, de cette combinaison rare de ralisme salutaire et de convictions fermes. Au moment de nous sparer, jeus le sentiment quun instant privilgi unique, hlas venait de passer ; jeus aussi le sentiment de prendre cong dun ami que javais toujours connu et respect.

En rfl chissant sur llaboration des normes et le contrle de leur appli-cation en tant que composante cl de laction de lOIT, surtout dans le contexte actuel, o lOIT sefforce avant tout de confrer la mondialisation les vertus de lquit, trois mots me viennent lesprit paradigme, responsabilit et vision dans le contexte de ce qui apparat comme la fois la singularit et le mode opratoire de lOIT: le tripartisme, et son accent particulier sur le dialogue et le partenariat.

Prface

Juan Somavia

xiii

xiv Mlanges Nicolas Valticos

Les normes en tant que paradigmes

Les normes sont lhistoire de lOIT. En tant quinstitution internationale ayant son actif le plus grand nombre dinstruments contraignants et non con-traignants qui touchent aux droits de lhomme, les normes sont au cur mme de la mission de lOrganisation et de laccomplissement de sa tche au quotidien. Quelles soient perues en tant que normes minimales dexistence, instruments de rfrence, indicateurs dans loptique du travail dcent ou encore, comme plus rcemment, matriau de construction dun plancher conomique et social pour lconomie mondiale, quelles trouvent leur expression travers une lgislation ayant un caractre impratif ou plutt prescriptif, les normes sont par essence lincarnation de principes dbattus et accepts en toute franchise, qui refl tent des valeurs universellement reconnues et sur la base desquels gouvernements, employeurs et travailleurs faonnent la physionomie du march du travail.

En proposant des paradigmes, lOIT donne un contenu tangible la notion de justice sociale quelle semploie constamment dfendre. Les normes intgrent les composantes de dignit humaine et de scurit quaucun individu au monde ne devrait se voir nier. Elles portent en elles ltalon dquit laune duquel tout progrs se mesure et aussi, hlas, toute rgression apparat au grand jour.

Comme je le soulignais dans mon rapport de 2001 intitul Rduire le dfi cit de travail dcent un dfi mondial, laction normative contribue prciser le sens du concept de travail dcent: en effet, les normes dfi nissent concrtement les diffrents aspects qui sy attachent conditions pralables (principes et droits fondamentaux), contenu (critres de qualit et de scurit), modalits de mise en uvre (dialogue social). En second lieu, elle contribue mettre en pratique le travail dcent: les normes sont un indicateur rigoureux des progrs accomplis dans la ralisation des objectifs de lOIT, en droit et dans la pratique.

Les normes en tant que source de responsabilit

Laction normative constitue un volet essentiel de laction de lOIT depuis que celle-ci existe, et cest en fait principalement pour cela quelle a t cre. En tant que tel, le corpus des normes internationales du travail labor au fi l des ans constitue un hritage impressionnant, une source vitale de fi ert mais aussi une source de responsabilit responsabilit de grer avec effi cacit ce patri-moine normatif, de prserver limpact des normes, de rester vigilants, attentifs la prennit de leur application, de promouvoir et renforcer leur pertinence. Il sagit l dune mission que le Bureau doit poursuivre avec conviction et ralisme. Le dbat ouvert sur la direction et les modalits de laction normative appelle une rfl exion responsable, notamment sur les moyens de parvenir privilgier

le dialogue, intensifi er la coopration technique, approfondir lanalyse de la lgislation et de la politique, intensifi er les activits de conseil, muscler le mcanisme de contrle.

Responsabilit veut aussi dire que lOIT doit apporter une rponse exhaus-tive aux aspirations, aux attentes et aux proccupations de tous ses mandants. Le tripartisme est un atout majeur, que lon doit entretenir avec soin et enrichir constamment. Le partenariat des travailleurs, des employeurs et des gouverne-ments reste laspect le plus essentiel de la raison dtre de lOIT dans un monde du travail en mutation constante. Si des points de vue et des intrts contraires rendent souvent les choix diffi ciles, ils conduisent aussi des compromis qui-librs. Parfois les sensibilits sont vives et il parat diffi cile de parvenir un consensus, mais cet aboutissement est prcisment ce que les mandants de lOIT attendent de celle-ci, ds lors que les orientations quelle leur suggre se rvlent pertinentes et convaincantes. Leffort exig pour que les normes internationales du travail soient au centre des proccupations universelles doit toujours avoir une place prminente dans laction de lOIT. Du succs de ces efforts dpend la crdibilit du systme des normes, do le sentiment particulirement aigu, lheure actuelle, de la responsabilit qui pse sur laction normative de lOrganisa-tion. La singularit absolue des comptences de lOIT dans ce domaine confre une lgitimit sans ombre au rle particulirement actif que cette organisation joue sur le plan de la dimension sociale de la mondialisation.

Les normes et la ncessit dune vision davenir

Lacquis de tant dannes nous impose davoir une vision davenir et de faire preuve dinnovation. En 1999, dans mon rapport intitul Un travail dcent, jai mis laccent sur la ncessit de susciter un nouveau dpart pour les activits consacres aux normes du travail, et jai fait valoir quil faudrait que lOIT fasse de nouvelles expriences. Le systme dadoption des normes et de contrle de leur application montre des signes de fatigue, on se rend compte quil est pouss ses limites. Le systme, en soi, a une valeur si leve quil serait inconcevable de labandonner son sort. Ce constat nentrane pas, bien naturellement, quil faille remettre en question la pertinence de laction normative. Il en dcoule plutt quil faut mobiliser des forces cratrices en vue de rformer les mthodes de travail, concevoir et exprimenter de nouvelles procdures, adapter les men-talits et tirer les bons enseignements de nos checs.

Pour prendre un exemple, je me suis rfr plus particulirement, dans le rapport prcit, lide de conventions de base et aussi lide de combiner des dispositions contraignantes dautres qui ne le seraient pas dans un instrument fl exible, de vaste porte, facile ractualiser, qui contiendrait des lments uni-

Prface xv

xvi Mlanges Nicolas Valticos

versels tout en mnageant une place aux particularismes rgionaux. Cinq annes plus tard, le projet de convention consolide du travail maritime, qui incarne une synthse effi cace de principes anciens et de besoins futurs, illustre parfaitement ce qui pourrait marquer un tournant dcisif dans laction normative.

Dans son rapport de fvrier 2004 intitul Une mondialisation juste: Crer des opportunits pour tous, la Commission mondiale sur la dimension sociale de la mondialisation nonce quil serait essentiel de renforcer la capacit de lOIT de promouvoir les normes internationales du travail et quil convient de renforcer lOIT elle-mme en augmentant les ressources permettant dexercer un contrle et une surveillance quitables et adapts (paragraphe 426). Dans quelques pre-mires rfl exions que jai prsentes cette anne la Confrence propos de ce que le rapport de la commission susmentionne implique pour lOIT, jai mis en relief (pages 52 et suivantes) certaines orientations qui me paraissent prioritaires, comme lidentifi cation dun ensemble plus intgr de normes internationales du travail, le renforcement de lassistance offerte aux mandants au niveau de chaque pays, le renforcement de leffi cacit du systme de contrle, la formulation de stra-tgies appropries face aux problmes de gouvernance sous-jacents lexpansion de lconomie informelle dans certains pays, la mobilisation des organisations internationales pour la promotion des normes internationales du travail.

Je dirai en conclusion que moderniser les normes de lOIT et en assurer une intgration plus complte dans un ensemble cohrent avec comme point de mire une plus grande effi cacit reste et demeure une tche essentielle. LAgenda pour un travail dcent, en tant quexpression synthtique de la mission de lOr-ganisation, est indissociable dun effort de renforcement de leffi cacit et de la pertinence du systme unique en son genre que constituent les normes interna-tionales du travail, et cet effort simpose ds lors que lon tient seconder tous les pays dans la dmarche quils se sont assigne pour promouvoir le travail dcent sur tous les fronts. Il nous faut donc persvrer, et faire du paradigme et de la vision notre instrument si nous voulons servir de manire responsable. Jose croire que Nicolas Valticos aurait pleinement fait siennes ces penses.

En dernier lieu, jexprime ma reconnaissance tous ceux qui ont pris cette initiative pour rendre hommage la mmoire de Nicolas Valticos et sa contribution immense lavancement des objectifs de lOIT. Le Bureau nest, somme toute, rien de plus que la rsultante du rayonnement des comptences et du talent de chacun de ses fonctionnaires. En ce sens, Nicolas Valticos nous aura laiss en hritage un exemple aussi durable que le vide laiss derrire lui se rvle diffi cile combler.

octobre 2004

Es poco frecuente que un funcionario se haya identifi cado en tal grado con un campo especfi co de las acciones de la OIT como ha ocurrido con Nicolas Valticos respecto de las actividades normativas de la Organizacin. A tal punto que, a lo largo de ms de 30 aos, ha venido siendo casi tautolgico referirse a las normas y al inspirado Director de NORMAS.

En los inicios del perodo de transicin, fui muy afortunado en encon-trar a esta viva encarnacin de las normas de la OIT, benefi cindome de su sabidura y asesoramiento en lo que atae a relevantes medidas que habran de adoptarse posteriormente. Nunca olvidar un almuerzo que tuve el privilegio de compartir con l poco antes de asumir mi puesto. Su erudicin, su generosa inteligencia, su natural empata para tanta gente y tantos pases que tambin yo llegu a conocer, la combinacin de un saludable sentido de la realidad y unas fi rmes convicciones, propiciaron una conversacin que result ser un placer para la mente y el corazn. Al levantarme de la mesa, tuve la sensacin de haber pasado, no slo unos momentos tan extraordinarios como nicos, sino tambin el sentimiento de haber ganado un amigo en la persona que haba conocido y siempre haba respetado

Al refl exionar sobre la actividad normativa y sobre el control de las normas como concepto cardinal de las acciones de la OIT, especialmente en el contexto actual del enfoque de la OIT de consecucin de una globalizacin justa, me vienen a la mente tres palabras: paradigma, responsabilidad y visin, naturalmente en el marco de la caracterstica y del mtodo primordiales de la OIT, el tripartismo, con el acento puesto en el dilogo y en la asociacin.

Prefacio

Juan Somavia

xvii

xviii Mlanges Nicolas Valticos

Las normas como paradigmas

Las normas son la historia de la OIT. Como institucin internacional que ha producido el mayor nmero de instrumentos vinculantes y no vinculantes en el mbito de los derechos humanos, las normas siguen encontrndose en el ncleo del mandato de la OIT y de su labor cotidiana. Se consideren como normas de vida mnimas, como marcos de referencia o como indicadores de trabajo decente, o, ms recientemente, como elementos esenciales de los fun-damentos socioeconmicos para la economa global, se expresen bajo la forma de una ley estricta o de una ley fl exible, las normas vienen a sintetizar la idea de principios abiertamente debatidos y acordados que refl ejan valores ampliamente sostenidos, que los gobiernos, los empleadores y los trabajadores pueden utilizar para estructurar sus sistemas de mercado laboral.

Al ofrecer paradigmas, la OIT confi ere un contenido tangible a la nocin de justicia social, una nocin que defi ende constantemente y se esfuerza en pro-mover. Las normas engloban componentes de dignidad y seguridad humanas de que todos debern gozar en el mundo del trabajo. Ofrecen los criterios necesarios de imparcialidad para medir los progresos, pero tambin revelan los retrocesos.

Como sealara en mi informe Reducir el dfi cit de trabajo decente: un desafo global, la accin normativa ayuda a esclarecer el signifi cado del trabajo decente: las normas ofrecen una respuesta digna de crdito a la pregunta sobre lo que implica el trabajo decente en trminos concretos en lo que se refi ere a las con-diciones previas (principios y derechos fundamentales), a su contenido (trabajo que rene ciertos criterios de calidad y de seguridad) y al proceso en virtud del cual este objetivo se puede alcanzar (dilogo social). Tambin ayuda a poner en prctica el Programa de Trabajo Decente: las normas son un indicador riguroso del progreso hacia el logro de los objetivos de la OIT, no por medio de promesas que no se han de cumplir sino en la legislacin y la prctica (pg. 68).

Las normas como fuente de responsabilidad

La actividad normativa ha constituido una actividad central de la OIT desde sus inicios y ha sido en verdad la nica y ms importante razn de su crea-cin. Como tal, el corpus de las normas internacionales del trabajo elaboradas a lo largo de los aos, permanece hoy como una herencia de incalculable valor, como una fuente vital de orgullo y tambin como una responsabilidad. Responsabilidad para gestionar una riqueza normativa tan acertadamente acumulada, para proteger el impacto de las normas, para mantener el ojo vigilante en cuanto a su continuada aplicacin, para promover y fortalecer su pertinencia. Es ste un cometido que la Ofi cina debe seguir llevando a cabo con conviccin y realismo. El debate en

curso en torno a la direccin y a las modalidades de la accin normativa, requiere una refl exin responsable, entre otras cosas, sobre las maneras de alcanzar un en-foque ms slido en el dilogo, una cooperacin tcnica ms intensa, un anlisis legislativo y de polticas ms profundo, unas actividades de asesoramiento que se multipliquen y un vigor que se aada al mecanismo de control.

Responsabilidad signifi ca tambin que la OIT ha de tener una gran sensi-bilidad hacia las aspiraciones, necesidades y preocupaciones de sus mandantes. El tripartismo constituye un activo esencial que debe ser cuidadosamente nutrido y ms desarrollado. La asociacin de trabajadores, empleadores y gobiernos, sigue siendo el fundamento de la pertinencia de la OIT en el cambiante mundo del tra-bajo. Si bien las opiniones y los intereses contrapuestos pueden difi cultar a menudo la eleccin entre las diferentes opciones, tambin favorecen compromisos equili-brados. Las sensibilidades son intensas y la construccin de un consenso a veces parece difcil de poner en funcionamiento. Sin embargo, esto es precisamente lo que nuestros mandantes esperan de la OIT, puesto que los dota de una orientacin que es tan autorizada como pertinente. Los esfuerzos requeridos para situar en el centro de la atencin las normas internacionales del trabajo, tienen que perma-necer en el primer plano de las actuaciones de la OIT. La credibilidad del sistema normativo depende, en buena medida, de los resultados de estos esfuerzos, de ah el mayor sentido de la responsabilidad que en la actualidad incumbe a la accin normativa de la Organizacin. Nuestros conocimientos tcnicos nicos en materia de normas, confi eren a la OIT una legitimidad indiscutida para desempear un papel activo en la gestin de las dimensiones sociales de la globalizacin.

Las normas y la necesidad de visin

Los logros pasados nos obligan a tener una visin de futuro y a ser in-novadores. En mi Informe sobre el Trabajo Decente de 1999, pona el acento en la necesidad de nuevas actividades en materia de normas del trabajo y de que ensaye nuevos mtodos (pg. 20). El sistema de adopcin y supervisin de las normas muestra signos de agotamiento y de haber sido tensado hasta el lmite. Y el sistema es un bien demasiado precioso como para dejarlo a su propia re-gulacin. Esto no signifi ca, por supuesto, un cuestionamiento de la pertinencia del trabajo normativo de la Organizacin, sino ms bien la puesta en marcha de fuerzas creativas con miras a reformar los mtodos de trabajo, ideando y probando nuevos procedimientos, adaptando las mentalidades y extrayendo las correspondientes lecciones de los fracasos del pasado.

A modo de ejemplo, en el informe sobre el Trabajo Decente, me refera especfi camente a la idea de convenios marco y a la posibilidad de combinar disposiciones vinculantes con disposiciones no vinculantes en un instrumento

Prefacio xix

xx Mlanges Nicolas Valticos

fl exible general, fcil de actualizar, y que refl ejara tanto los elementos univer-sales como las tradiciones regionales. Despus de los aproximadamente cinco aos transcurridos de esta proposicin, el proyecto de Convenio sobre el trabajo martimo consolidado ofrece hoy un interesante plan maestro de lo que bien pudiera ser un nuevo comienzo de la actividad normativa, favoreciendo un efi caz encuentro entre los principios del pasado y las necesidades del futuro.

En su informe de febrero de 2004, Por una globalizacin justa: crear opor-tunidades para todos, la Comisin Mundial sobre la Dimensin Social de la Glo-balizacin, sugera que se refuerce la capacidad de la OIT para fomentar la aplicacin de las normas fundamentales del trabajo y que la propia OIT de-bera reforzarse mediante el aumento de los recursos disponibles para llevar a cabo una supervisin y un control justos (prrafo 426). A la hora de presentar algunas refl exiones iniciales en la Conferencia de este ao en torno a las im-plicaciones del informe de la Comisin de la OIT, destacaba algunos planes de accin prioritarios, como la identifi cacin de un conjunto ms integrado de normas internacionales del trabajo, una mayor asistencia a los mandantes en el mbito de cada pas, un incremento de la efi ciencia del mecanismo de control establecido, el desarrollo de estrategias viables para abordar los problemas de la gobernanza que subyacen al crecimiento de la economa informal en muchos pases y la movilizacin de las organizaciones internacionales en aras de la pro-mocin de las normas internacionales del trabajo (prrafos 46-48).

Para concluir, la modernizacin de las normas de la OIT y su integracin ms plena en un todo coherente, como medio de alcanzar una mayor efi cacia, sigue siendo, por tanto, una tarea determinante. El Programa de Trabajo De-cente, en su calidad de descripcin taquigrfi ca de la misin de la Organizacin, es inseparable de los esfuerzos encaminados al fortalecimiento, a la efi cacia y a la pertinencia de un rgimen nico de normas internacionales del trabajo, de modo que pueda asistir a todos los pases en su empeo de promocin del tra-bajo decente en todos los frentes. Por consiguiente, es menester seguir siendo impulsados por el paradigma, la visin y la entrega con responsabilidad. Creo con fi rmeza que Nicolas Valticos habra suscrito plenamente este pensamiento.

Por ltimo, quiero felicitar a quienes han tenido esta excelente iniciativa de homenaje a Nicolas Valticos, por su inmensa contribucin a los progresos de los objetivos de la OIT. Despus de todo, la Ofi cina no es ms que el resultado de una sumatoria de las capacidades y los talentos de todos y cada uno de sus funcionarios. En este sentido, Nicolas Valticos nos ha dejado un perdurable ejemplo a seguir y un vaco sumamente difcil de llenar.

Octubre de 2004

xxi

Introduction

A year ago, on 21 November 2003, the sad news rapidly gained the sixth fl oor of the Offi ce; Nicolas Valticos, the great fi gure, venerable elderly statesman with the warm smile and the admirable freshness, had gone.

Some will keep the memory of a demanding and perfectionist Assistant Director-General; some will remember the polyglot, cultivated Greek colleague with the fi ne sense of humour; others will attest to his great intellect and capacity for work; yet others will recollect a gifted diplomat, a delightful table companion and a fi rst-rate cosmopolite. Nicolas Valticos was certainly all that and much more. Law professorship and international adjudication were only two of the fi elds in which he excelled after retirement. However, his close attachment to labour standards and affectionate interest for the work of the Organization re-mained undiminished in the years following his departure. It is indicative that Nicolas Valticos last published in the International Labour Review as recently as 1998,1 while a few years earlier he addressed the Academy of Athens with an inaugural lecture on International labour law and its role in todays inter-national society. In 2000, in his capacity as President of the Curatorium of the Hague Academy of International Law, he invited the Legal Adviser of the time to lecture on the ILO, social justice and globalization. In his 1995 commu-nication to the French Academy of Moral and Political Sciences, he refl ected on the legal nature of international labour Conventions,2 while throughout the nineties he contributed numerous pieces to Mlanges, Festschrift and other Libri amicorum, mostly on ILO-related subjects.3

1 International labour standards and human rights: Approaching the year 2000, Inter-national Labour Review, vol. 137, 1998, pp. 135-147.

2 Contrat Convention Trait Loi? Les conventions internationales du travail, Communication lAcadmie des Sciences Morales et Politiques, 16 octobre 1995, Revue des Sciences Morales et Politiques, tome 100, 1996, n 1, pp. 403-413.

3 For instance, Mlanges Bos (1989), Wang (1993), Schermers (1994), Bernhardt (1995), Gerin (1996), Verdier (2001).

xxii Mlanges Nicolas Valticos

Indeed, the Offi ce never ceased to seek Valticos advice on all important policy decisions on standards, which he offered with his usual promptness, sharpness and genuine kindness. His last appearance on Swiss television and his last article in a Swiss newspaper were in 2000 to promote the newly-adopted Maternity Protection Convention No. 183. The normative action of the ILO has undoubtedly found in the person of Nicolas Valticos one of its most eloquent advocates and lifetime servants.

It has often been said that Nicolas Valticos personifi ed the archetype of an international civil servant. Certainly, Nicolas Valticos gave full meaning to the basic standards of conduct required of all staff members of international organizations, namely integrity, loyalty, independence and impartiality. Yet, he took professionalism much further. He made a lifelong rule of integrity without ceding to austerity. He never mistook loyalty for uncritical submission, nor would he follow instructions without being fi rst convinced of their propriety. He epito-mized independence to such an extent that his appointment to some of the most politically sensitive missions seemed a foregone conclusion, and he always proved a judicious choice. His impartiality was well-known to everyone, so that his successful mediation to resolve the fi rst ever personnel strike movement in-house came as no surprise. Above and beyond offi cial prescriptions, however, Nicolas Valticos placed his faith in his personal code of human values. He will be remembered as a man of rare and inspired cordiality, unassuming distinction and unequalled simplicity.

To attempt to give a summary account of Nicolas Valticos scholarly work can but do great injustice to an outstanding intellectual life which lasted half a cen-tury.4 Nicolas Valticos fi rmly believed in the system of supervision of ILO Con-ventions and its unique attributes. Throughout his career, he defended staunchly and with conviction what he considered to be a model lavant-garde du contrle international, en raison de sa diversit et de son dynamisme,5 and worked untir-ingly for its improvement. By symbolic coincidence, typical of his accuracy and rigour, his writings on the ILOs system of supervision span a period of exactly thirty years, from 1964 to 1994.6 He also wrote extensively on the legislative func-tion of the ILO and persuasively argued that the body of standards contained in international labour Conventions and Recommendations contributed to the

4 His bibliographical output started in 1953 with Lautorit de la chose juge au criminel sur le civil (Paris, Sirey, 462 p.), and ended in 2003 with Et si lon faisait revenir le sige des Nations Unies en Europe?, Revue gnrale de droit international public, vol. 107, pp. 529-533.

5 Lvolution du systme de contrle de lOrganisation internationale du Travail, Mlanges Roberto Ago, 1987, vol. II, p. 520.

6 Aperu de certains grands problmes du contrle international (spcialement propos des conventions internationales du travail), Eranion en lhonneur de G. Maridakis, Athnes, 1964, vol. III, pp. 543-586; Once more about the ILO system of supervision: In what respect is it still a model ? in Niels Blokker and Sam Muller (eds.), Towards more effective supervision by international organizations Essays in Honour of Henry G. Schermers, 1994, vol. I, pp. 99-113.

creation of an international common law in wide areas of human rights.7 Nicolas Valticos restless mind looked into numerous other questions of legal theory and practice, such as the specifi city of the ratifi cation of international labour Conven-tions,8 the problem of their incorporation into domestic law,9 or the sources of international labour law.10 Like Georges Scelle or Wilfred Jenks before him, he saw in the development of international labour law a fi rst-rate opportunity to materialize le vieux rve de la souverainet tatique sinclinant devant la rgle de droit, considering that les conventions internationales du travail ont apport la premire grande brche au domaine rserv, donc la notion exclusive de sou-verainet, puisquelles ont fait entrer dans le droit international un secteur aussi large que lensemble des probmes du travail, cest--dire des questions touchant de prs les structures internes des pays et lintimit mme de la vie nationale.11 Yet, by far the most recurrent of all the topics touched upon by Nicolas Valticos were the freedoms of association and collective bargaining and the institutional machinery for their protection.12 Based on the conviction that la protection de la libert syndicale exige un effort systmatique et persistant car elle fait partie de leffort sculaire de lhomme pour sa pleine libration,13 Nicolas Valticos over

Introduction xxiii

7 The International Labour Organization, its contribution to the rule of law and the international protection of human rights, Journal of the International Commission of Jurists, vol. 9, 1968, p. 19.

8 Nature et porte juridique de la ratifi cation des conventions internationales du travail in Essays in Honour of Shabtai Rosenne, 1989, pp. 987-1004.

9 Conventions internationales du travail et droit interne, Revue critique de droit international priv, vol. 2, 1955, pp. 251-288; Monisme ou dualisme? Les rapports des traits et de la loi en Grce (spcialement propos des conventions internationales du travail), Revue hellnique de droit international, 1959, pp. 203-235; Les conventions internationales du travail devant le juge fran-ais, Revue critique de droit international priv, vol. 53, 1964, pp. 41-72; Les effets des conventions internationales du travail en Suisse, Mmoires de la Facult de droit de lUniversit de Genve, 1976, pp. 327-345; Droit international du travail et droit interne franais, Travaux du Comit franais de droit international priv, 1977, pp. 11-37.

10 Labour Law: International sources and institutional aspects, International Encyclopedia of Comparative Law, vol. XV, 1978, pp. 1-53; The sources of international labour law: Recent trends in International Law and its Sources, Liber amicorum Maarten Bos, 1988, pp. 179-196.

11 Droit international du travail et souverainets tatiques in Mlanges Fernard Dehousse, 1979, p. 125.

12 La Commission dinvestigation et de conciliation en matire de libert syndicale et le mcanisme de protection internationale des droits syndicaux, Annuaire franais de droit interna-tional, vol. 13, 1967, pp. 445-468; Une nouvelle exprience de protection des droits de lhomme: le groupe dtude de lOIT charg dexaminer la situation en matire de travail et en matire syndicale en Espagne, Annuaire franais de droit international, vol. 16, 1970, pp. 567-589; Un d-veloppement du droit international du travail: les droits syndicaux et les liberts publiques, En hommage Paul Horion, 1972, pp. 263-289; Les mthodes de la protection internationale de la libert syndicale, Recueil des cours de lAcadmie de droit international, 1975, pp. 79-138; Le rle des normes et des procdures de lOIT dans le dveloppement de la situation syndicale en Pologne, Revue des sciences morales et politiques, 1982, pp. 199-214.

13 La protection internationale de la libert syndicale vingt-cinq ans aprs, Revue des droits de lhomme, vol. 7, 1974, p. 39.

xxiv Mlanges Nicolas Valticos

the years deployed much of his energy and charisma to promoting the principles of freedom of association and exploring ways of making ILO procedures in the fi eld of union rights more effective. His name remains associated, for instance, with the introduction of innovative supervisory mechanisms such as the direct contacts missions, which have since been widely used and praised as a pragmatic, fl exible and discreet method of conducting diplomacy.14

To honour his memory and commemorate the fi rst anniversary of his death, the Standards Department earlier this year launched the idea of a col-lective publication bringing together legal essays exclusively dedicated to in-ternational labour standards. It was hoped that as many aspects as possible of standards-related issues would be covered from both a retrospective and a for-ward-looking perspective, following the example of Valticos, whose writings so skilfully combined orthodoxy and perspicacity, continuity and vision. It was also intended to associate junior professionals with some of the most experienced and learned practitioners in this endeavour, thereby paying tribute to Valticos unfailing support to promising young colleagues.

The various contributions have essentially been arranged in four thematic categories, coinciding with the four subjects of predilection in Valticos prolifi c bibliography: the evolution of the supervisory system in its endless quest for effectiveness; freedom of association as a cornerstone principle and constant driving force of ILO action; the oft-debated relationship between internation-ally-accepted standards and domestic legislation; and the constitutional dimen-sion of standard-setting activities. A fi nal fi fth section contains a number of papers generally refl ecting on the future articulation of standards, their rel-evance and impact in the context of the challenges to come. Within each part, the contributions are ranked alphabetically, with the authors writing in their individual capacity.

It is immensely diffi cult to pay homage to Nicolas Valticos without risking understatement. To use the words that Valticos himself offered his great friend and stalwart of the ILO supervisory system for over thirty-fi ve years, Roberto Ago,15 the main aims to which Valticos devoted his great talents and untiring activity were tolerance, peace, the rule of law, justice between men as between nations, and the development of international law and of a true international community. Could an international lawyer, and a proud national of a country of unrivalled culture and humanism have dedicated himself to a nobler cause? As he said a few years ago, referring to his country of origin, de toute manire, ce nest pas chose facile que de se montrer digne de la Grce, parce que le nom

14 Une nouvelle forme daction internationale: les contacts directs de lOIT en matire dapplication de conventions et de libert syndicale, Annuaire franais de droit international, vol. 27, 1981, pp. 477-489.

15 Roberto Ago (1907-1995), American Journal of International law, vol. 89, 1995, p. 583.

est grand et lhritage lourd. Mais fi nalement, qui se plaindrait vraiment dun tel hritage? Et dun hritage dont, en dfi nitive, lessentiel a t de faire de lhomme la mesure autant que lobjectif de toutes choses.16

The International Labour Standards Department presents this collection of legal essays as a modest tribute to the memory of the charismatic personality of Nicolas Valticos and in recognition of his monumental contribution to the furtherance of the Organizations noble objectives and his undying belief that the task of the ILO will be more than ever before to try with all the means at its command, by rules of law and by daily action, to make real this eternal dream of man for justice, law, and peace.17

The EditorsGeneva, November 2004

Introduction xxv

16 Les Grecs modernes face aux Grecs anciens, Confrence du 13 mars 1997 lAsso-ciation Jean-Gabriel Eynard, Genve.

17 The International Labour Organization, its contribution to the rule of law and the international protection of human rights, Journal of the International Commission of Jurists, vol. 9, 1968, p. 34.

Part 1The Supervisory System

.

3

Les mcanismes de contrle de lOIT:bilan de leur efficacit et perspectives davenir

Eric Gravel *

I. Introduction

The ILO has no teeth. LOIT ne peut pas mordre! Traduction libre de lexpression utilise par le Premier ministre de Singapour au sein dun forum international il y a quelques annes. Cette expression peut rsumer, certains gards, la discussion entourant limpact de laction du BIT dans le domaine normatif et notamment leffi cacit de ses mcanismes de contrle. Le volonta-risme des moyens de lOIT signifi e-t-il que lOrganisation na pas de pouvoir de coercition vis--vis de ses Etats membres? Le dialogue qui sinstaure entre les organes de contrle et les Etats qui ne respectent pas leurs obligations in-ternationales aux termes des conventions de lOIT est-il suffi sant? A cet gard, la question de leffi cacit et de limpact des mcanismes de contrle de lOIT a dj fait lobjet de nombreuses discussions et analyses et dune abondante lit-trature. Dj en 1994, Nicolas Valticos crivait que ce sujet pouvait sembler puis, et quaprs trente ans uvrer dans ce domaine, ce sujet lavait dailleurs lui-mme puis! 1

Au-del des polmiques et dun scepticisme justifi ou non, cet article se propose danalyser de faon succincte leffi cacit et limpact, tant dun point de vue quantitatif que qualitatif, quont pu avoir certains des organes de contrle de lOIT au cours des dernires dcennies, notamment la Commission dexperts pour lapplication des conventions et recommandations et le Comit de la li-bert syndicale. Enfi n, cet article tentera dexaminer, la lumire de linfl uence quils ont pu avoir ce jour, les perspectives davenir de ces mcanismes de contrle.

* Dpartement des normes internationales du travail.1 Voir Nicolas Valticos, Once more about the ILO system of supervision: In what res-

pect is it still a model? in Mlanges H.G. Schermers, 1994, vol. I, p. 99.

4 Mlanges Nicolas Valticos

II. La Commission dexperts pour lapplicationdes conventions et recommandations

La Commission dexperts pour lapplication des conventions et recom-mandations, institue par le Conseil dadministration conformment la rsolu-tion adopte par la Confrence internationale du Travail en 1926, a pour mandat dexaminer les rapports des gouvernements sur lapplication des conventions et dautres obligations contenues dans la Constitution de lOIT sur les normes internationales du travail. La premire session de la commission a eu lieu en 1927 et au fi l des annes, elle est devenue, paralllement la Commission de lapplication des normes de la Confrence, lorgane privilgi du contrle rgulier de lapplication des normes. Ses travaux constituent en effet la pierre angulaire du systme de contrle de lOIT.

Dans son valuation de la conformit des lgislations, la commission dexperts, qui est compose de vingt juristes indpendants de haut niveau, exerce une comptence qui a maintes fois t qualifi e de quasi-juridictionnelle 2 bien quelle ne soit pas un tribunal. Elle exerce un pouvoir dapprciation large dans le cadre de lapplication des dispositions internationales. Pour rendre de telles apprciations, la commission dexperts se base sur les rapports soumis par les gouvernements conformment leurs obligations constitutionnelles.

1. Impact des travaux de la commission dexperts

Le systme de contrle de lOIT est extrmement sophistiqu et a toujours t considr, juste titre, comme le joyau de lOrganisation. Mais quelle est laptitude des instruments normatifs atteindre les objectifs de lOrganisation dans lensemble de ses membres, malgr des niveaux de dveloppement extr-mement varis? Sagissant de la commission dexperts, son effi cacit peut sans doute tre value par sa capacit dobtenir lapplication des obligations en droit et de les rendre effectives dans les faits.

Les mthodes de travail de la commission dexperts ont volu au cours de son existence et dans le cadre de son mandat dfi ni en termes gnraux. La commission peut en effet laborer de manire autonome ses propres mthodes de travail. A cet gard, depuis 1964, la commission dexperts a dcid de rperto-rier les cas dans lesquels les gouvernements, en rponse ses commentaires, ont modifi leur lgislation ou leur pratique, de manire donner pleinement effet aux conventions ratifi es. Ces cas sont communment appel cas de progrs.

2 Voir Nicolas Valticos, Droit international du travail, 2e dition, Dalloz, 1983, p. 587, paragr. 756.

Destin lorigine contrebalancer les commentaires formuls, cette liste de cas de progrs, qui couvre ce jour des mesures prises par plus de 85 gouvernements provenant de toutes les rgions du monde, tmoigne de faon impressionnante des efforts que les gouvernements ont dploys afi n que leur lgislation et leur pratique nationales soient conformes aux dispositions des conventions de lOIT quils ont ratifi es.3 Concrtement, la commission identifi e un cas de progrs en prenant note avec intrt ou satisfaction, dans une observation, que le gouvernement vis a donn une suite positive ses commentaires antrieurs.

Mais comme la commission la elle-mme soulign dans son rapport de 2002, il existe beaucoup de cas invisibles ou moins manifestes dans lesquels les normes internationales du travail ont exerc une infl uence positive. En effet, limpact de la commission dexperts ne se mesure pas uniquement la lumire des cas de progrs rpertoris. A cet gard, il convient de ne pas ngliger limpact indirect ou a priori du travail de la commission. La commission dexperts peut exercer un contrle prventif considrable, qui est, par le fait mme, diffi cilement quantifi able. A ce sujet, Nicolas Valticos a souvent estim que leffi cacit du con-trle ne doit pas seulement se mesurer aux rsultats de son rle rpressif, mais aussi au rle prventif que lexistence mme dun mcanisme de contrle vigilant peut avoir, en incitant les Etats tudier srieusement et souvent mme adopter, avant de ratifi er une convention, les mesures ncessaires son application.4

Dans cette valuation du contrle prventif que peut exercer la commis-sion dexperts, il y a galement lieu de mentionner les demandes directes quelle soumet chaque anne certains gouvernements. En effet, ces demandes directes, par lesquelles la commission tablie un dialogue avec les gouvernements et lui demande gnralement des claircissements sur des points jugs moins urgents, ne fi gurent pas dans le rapport de la commission publi chaque anne. Ainsi, le suivi positif donn aux demandes directes napparat jamais sous la rubrique des cas de progrs.

Par ailleurs, dans certains cas, les mesures prises par les gouvernements afi n de rpondre aux commentaires de la commission dexperts reposent sur dautres considrations. En effet, les Etats rpugnent en gnral ce que leurs manquements et le non respect de leurs obligations internationales soient dis-cuts publiquement. Il ne faut pas ngliger le fait que les travaux de la com-mission dexperts servent de base ceux de la Commission de lapplication des normes de la Confrence et que la seule possibilit quun Etat puisse fi gurer sur la fameuse liste des cas individuels qui seront discuts publiquement la Confrence peut produire un effet dissuasif.

3 Sagissant des cas de progrs relevs par la commission dexperts jusquau milieu des annes soixante-dix, voir ltude sur Limpact des conventions et recommandations internationales du travail, BIT, 1977, pp. 56-57.

4 Voir Valticos, prcit note 2, p. 603, paragr. 774.

Les mcanismes de contrle de lOIT 5

6 Mlanges Nicolas Valticos

En outre, les commentaires de la commission dexperts portant sur des situations particulirement graves et rests sans rponse de la part des gouver-nements peuvent ouvrir la voie lutilisation dautres mesures prvues par la Constitution de lOIT. Cela a dailleurs t le cas pour le recours larticle 26 de la Constitution et ltablissement de la commission denqute sur le Myanmar concernant les questions de violations des dispositions de la convention n 29 sur le travail forc. Et dans la foule, la non application des recommandations de la commission denqute par le Myanmar a donn lieu, pour la premire fois, au recours larticle 33 de la Constitution, et a ainsi rappel la capacit de contrainte de lOIT vis--vis de ses Etats membres.

De plus, il est certain que laction des organes de contrle ne peut tre mesure uniquement en fonction des procdures offi cielles et que tout ce qui peut accompagner ces procdures, en particulier la mise en uvre de lassistance technique, joue un rle considrable. En effet, les observations et les recom-mandations en soi nont, dans certains cas, de relles valeurs que si elles sont prolonges par une assistance technique.

Enfi n, comme la rcemment soulign le nouveau prsident du Conseil dadministration du BIT, linfl uence de laction normative se manifeste de bien dautres manires que par le seul contrle de lapplication des conventions ra-tifi es. Elle a le potentiel de sexercer de manire universelle, mme si ce nest pas sous la forme dobligations juridiques de rsultat, telle quen tmoigne la Dclaration de 1998 relative aux principes et droits fondamentaux au travail.5

III. Le Comit de la libert syndicale

Le Comit de la libert syndicale a t cr en 1951 et constitue un organe tripartite du Conseil dadministration du BIT. Instaur initialement pour pro-cder lexamen prliminaire des allgations relatives des violations de la libert syndicale, et ne ncessitant pas le consentement pralable de lEtat pour procder lexamen dallgations mme en labsence de ratifi cation formelle des conventions en matire de libert syndicale, le comit a nanmoins d procder lexamen des plaintes quant au fond. Il est ainsi devenu lorgane principal charg dexaminer les plaintes pour violations des droits syndicaux et a, ce jour, exa-min plus de 2,300 plaintes provenant de tous les continents.

5 Voir prface de Philippe Sguin de louvrage de Francis Blanchard, LOrganisation inter-nationale du Travail, Editions du Seuil, 2004, p. 22.

1. Impact des dcisions du comit

Leffi cacit et limpact qua pu avoir ce comit depuis sa cration se me-surent, dune part, la rputation que cet organe sest construit au cours des annes grce sa structure tripartite et lapplication de principes juridiques et de rgles procdurales qui lont loign dun processus de dcision politique et arbitraire, et, dautre part, partir de cas de progrs que le comit rpertorie de faon systmatique depuis le dbut des annes soixante-dix. En effet, une fois quune plainte a t dpose et que le comit a formul des recommanda-tions, la question a souvent t pose de savoir, une fois que le cas ntait plus lordre du jour du comit, quelles avaient t les suites donnes par les gou-vernements aux dites recommandations. A cet gard, le comit sest demand sa session de novembre 1971 si son rle devait sarrter la formulation de recommandations ou sil ne devait pas suivre lvolution des affaires dont il avait eu traiter.6 Ainsi, afi n de renforcer sa procdure et pouvoir mieux valuer les cas de progrs, le comit, sa session de novembre 1971, a estim quil serait indiqu de prendre des mesures systmatiques cet gard et depuis cette date, dans la plupart des cas o il suggre au Conseil dadministration de formuler des recommandations un gouvernement, le comit demande au gouvernement intress de le tenir inform, aprs une priode raisonnable compte tenu des circonstances de chaque affaire, des suites quil a pu donner aux recomman-dations qui lui ont t adresses.

De faon similaire la commission dexperts, le comit note un cas de progrs lorsque suite au dpt dune plainte devant ce dernier et ses recom-mandations subsquentes, un changement lgislatif ou une modifi cation dans la pratique (libration de syndicalistes, rintgration de travailleurs licencis pour motifs syndicaux, enregistrement de syndicats, octroi du droit la ngociation collective, etc.) ont t opr dans le pays mis en cause. Depuis 1971, plus de soixante-dix pays rpartis sur cinq continents ont pris des mesures la suite des recommandations du comit ou lont inform de dveloppements positifs survenus dans le domaine de la libert syndicale.

Selon des chiffres rcents compils par le Service de la libert syndi-cale, au cours de la dcennie 1991-2001, prs de 2,000 syndicalistes de 40 pays auraient t librs suite aux recommandations du comit.7 En outre, au-del des mesures correctives qui ont pu ainsi tre obtenues, ce mcanisme de protection en matire de libert syndicale a jou un rle positif en permettant de prciser, dans des situations concrtes, les diverses consquences pratiques des principes

6 Voir 127e Rapport du Comit de la libert syndicale, novembre 1971, paragr. 22 28.7 Pour un bilan des annes soixante quatre-vingt sur cette question, voir A.J. Pouyat,

Les normes et les procdures de lOIT en matire de libert syndicale: un bilan , Revue interna-tionale du Travail, vol. 121, 1982, pp. 309-325.

Les mcanismes de contrle de lOIT 7

8 Mlanges Nicolas Valticos

gnraux noncs dans les conventions pertinentes de lOIT, tout comme les tribunaux, au niveau national, sont appels par leurs dcisions donner vie et signifi cation aux prceptes noncs dans les codes et les lois.

De plus, tel que mentionn pour la commission dexperts, limpact du Comit de la libert syndicale ne peut videmment pas se mesurer uniquement partir dune addition de cas de progrs, et ces chiffres ne peuvent rendre compte du rle jou par le comit que dun point de vue statistique. En effet, linstar de la commission dexperts, le comit joue un rle prventif non ngligeable en matire de libert syndicale, et le retrait de plaintes suite un accord trouv entre les parties avant mme que le comit nait pu examiner le cas au fond, en est une illustration importante. En outre, il convient de souligner que le carac-tre unanime de toutes les recommandations adoptes par cet organe tripartite ce jour ne peut quaccrotre la force morale que le comit exerce auprs des gouvernements, des travailleurs et des employeurs, et par consquent leffi cacit des recommandations quil formule.

Bien que le succs du comit puisse se vrifi er en partie par laccroisse-ment des cas de progrs rpertoris au cours des dernires annes (cette aug-mentation est par ailleurs ncessairement lie laccroissement du nombre de cas examins par le comit), ce succs se fonde plus gnralement dans le rsultat de laction conjointe des diffrents organes de contrle de lOIT o intervien-nent dune part, des organes techniques, dont les membres sont choisis en vertu de leur indpendance et de leur expertise et, dautre part, laction des organes reprsentatifs qui regroupent les dlgus des gouvernements, des travailleurs et des employeurs. Enfi n, il convient de ne pas ngliger les autres moyens dont dispose lOIT et auxquels le comit a souvent recours, tels que la formule des missions de contacts directs.

IV. Perspectives davenir

Si la russite et leffi cacit des organes de contrle de lOIT doivent se mesurer ltendue des rsultats obtenus et leur permanence, les nombreux cas de progrs nots, tant par la Commission dexperts pour lapplication des conventions et recommandations que par le Comit de la libert syndicale depuis plusieurs dcennies, tendent dmontrer que ces mcanismes de contrle ont pleinement rempli leur rle depuis leur cration.

Toutefois, la question peut se poser savoir si ces mcanismes pour-ront continuer moyen terme, et mme court terme, fonctionner effi cace-ment tel quils le font aujourdhui. En effet, victimes de leur propre succs et notamment des campagnes de promotion visant la ratifi cation de plusieurs conventions, ces organes de contrle, dans ltat actuel de leur fonctionnement, ont un avenir qui est plus que proccupant. En ce qui concerne la commission

dexperts, faut-il rappeler quen 1927, sa premire session, la commission avait examin 180 rapports provenant de 26 Etats membres. Aujourdhui, avec 177 Etats membres et plus de 7,200 ratifi cations, cest prs de 3,000 rapports qui seront dus pour examen par la commission dexperts sa prochaine ses-sion. Avec laugmentation des ratifi cations, ce nombre ne fera videmment que crotre lavenir.

Par ailleurs, au dbut des annes quatre-vingt, alors que Nicolas Valticos tait encore Sous-directeur gnral du BIT, ce dernier avait observ quenviron quatre-vingt-dix pour cent des rapports dus par les gouvernements au titre de larticle 22 de la Constitution tait effectivement reus. Aujourdhui, la commis-sion dexperts ne reoit quentre soixante soixante-cinq pour cent des rapports dus. De ce pourcentage, elle arrive traiter environ soixante-cinq pour cent des rapports reus, et doit diffrer les autres lanne suivante, et ce, pour des raisons diverses telles que lenvoi tardif des rapports par les gouvernements, la ncessit de traduire certaines communications et lgislations, la rception dinformations incompltes ou une surcharge de travail.

Ainsi, dici quelques annes, la lumire de laugmentation constante du nombre de ratifi cations et de rapports dus, la commission dexperts, pierre angulaire du systme de contrle, ne sera plus mme dexaminer environ les deux tiers de ce quelle devrait contrler. En consquence, moins dune aug-mentation substantielle des moyens de son secrtariat, ou dune rvision complte de ses mthodes de travail, y compris de la faon mme daborder les rapports des gouvernements au titre de larticle 22 de la Constitution, le systme actuel risque lasphyxie.

Du cot du Comit de la libert syndicale, les chiffres actuels peuvent mener une analyse similaire. Victime de son succs, et notamment des efforts de promotion et des nombreux programmes de formation dispenss par lOrga-nisation dans le domaine de la libert syndicale, le nombre de plaintes devant le comit a littralement explos ces dernires annes. Malgr une rvision de ses mthodes de travail en 2002, qui permettent notamment un meilleur fi ltrage des plaintes, le nombre de cas en instance devant le comit est pass de 214 en 2001, 304 en 2003, avec une projection de 340 cas en 2004.

Si leffi cacit et la prennit mme de la Commission dexperts pour lap-plication des conventions et recommandations et du Comit de la libert syn-dicale veulent tre prserves, ces organes de contrle devront poursuivre leur rfl exion concernant leurs mthodes de travail dune part, et des choix clairs devront tre faits par lOIT et ses mandants dautre part, afi n dassurer la survie dun systme de contrle que daucuns qualifi ent encore aujourdhui de vritable modle sur le plan international.

Les mcanismes de contrle de lOIT 9

11

Shaping a dynamic ILO systemof regular supervision:The Valticos years

Ernest A. Landy *

During the ILOs second decade, when the world was stumbling from economic depression to Armageddon, the procedure established in 1927 to moni tor the application of ratifi ed Conventions had just begun to function. With the outbreak of World War II, the relevance of ILO supervision, even its very future, were clearly in jeopardy. Such doubts lessened however in 1941, the year the Soviet Union, Japan and the United States became belligerents. During their August meeting in a Nova Scotia bay, President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill included among their war aims, as spelled out in the Atlantic Charter, the securing for all of improved labour standards, economic advancement and social security. And in November, the US President, speaking in the White House, assured the delegates to an ILO meeting: When this world struggle is over, you will be prepared to play your own part in formulating those social policies upon which the permanence of peace will so much depend.

Roosevelts prediction became a reality when the International Labour Conference, during its memorable Philadelphia session just three years later and during a 1946 meeting in Montreal, laid the ground work for the future by defi ning its aims and purposes and by revising the ILO Constitution, especially in relation to standards implementation.

This essay attempts to trace briefl y those aspects in the development of post-war policy which involve the shaping and refi nement of the Organizations system of regular supervision. Thus, already in the 1950s and 1960s it became clear that beyond the purely legal framework of the system, other factors came to the fore: the actual functioning of this novel venture, the role of standards in a broader context, the implications of tripartism and, above all, the emphasis on governmental response, i.e. the quest for effective supervision and implementa-tion. The pages which follow review the variety of practical, often pragmatic,

* Former Chief of the Application of Standards Branch, International Labour Standards Department.

12 Mlanges Nicolas Valticos

measures taken to deal with these and other related issues. It is no mere coin-cidence that, during the years these measures were taken, responsibility for the Offi ces standards-related activities was in Nicolas Valticos hands.

I. International labour standards and technical co-operation

Along with the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the United Nations early years were marked by the launching of an ambitious program of technical aid under the label technical co-operation. Fully awake to the social implications of this initiative, the ILO was eager to participate. Under Article 10 of the Constitution, the Offi ce is in fact mandated to accord to governments at their request all appropriate assistance in connection with the framing of laws and regulations on the basis of the decisions of the Conference and the improvement of administrative practices and systems of inspection. In addition, ILO experts were available to give advice in such areas as employ-ment services, labour statistics, wage-fi xing machinery, social security as well as occupational safety and hygiene, all of which are in some way addressed in the International Labour Code. It was therefore recognized from the start that these experts needed to be adequately briefed on the pertinent instruments, mainly Conventions, existing in their area of activity. If such a Convention had already been ratifi ed, background information on its application was included in their briefi ngs, especially if advice might help to overcome diffi culties of implementa-tion. When an expert returned from assignment, standards-related information was of potential interest, particularly in the case of ratifi ed Conventions.

In the early years there was some doubt as to the interplay between operational activities and ILO standards. But already in 1958 the Conference Committee on Standards recognized that the two concepts are in fact closely interrelated and supplement each other at every stage. It remains clear to this day that from the specifi c perspective of ILO supervision, experience in the fi eld is a valuable tool in appreciating the diffi culties governments may encounter in giving effect to standards and that, hopefully, technical expertise may point a way to a solution, thus demonstrating the mutually reinforcing potential of the two methods of action.

II. Public information and educational activities

A supervisory system relies for lasting results on a body of informed public opinion. In the case of the ILO, action needs to address two groups: the Organizations tripartite constituency, and more generally, the segments of the public at large which are concerned with labour problems and involved in their solution.

From early in the post-war period, the most widely used general-purpose publication was an illustrated booklet entitled International Labour Standards, Their Nature, Their Working, Their Value. Available in a number of languages and going through a series of updated editions, this brochure seemed to fi ll a va-riety of needs and opened the way to more specialized information tools: charts and lists of ratifi cation, summaries of Conventions, a Manual of Procedures relating to ILO standards, etc. With the publication by the Offi ce of The In-ternational Labour Code 1951 and the appearance some two decades later of Nicolas Valticos monumental Droit international du Travail (of which Spanish and English editions were published in 1977 and 1979), academics and labour law specialists had available a detailed and authoritative treatise not only on the content of ILO standards but also on their history and implementation.

With a specifi cally trade union audience in mind, the Offi ce also put to-gether a Workers Education Manual on Standards. An educational initiative was launched in the 1960s for the benefi t, this time, of government offi cials in the developing countries; such training sessions were organized in Africa, Asia and Latin America to discuss the ILOs standards-related activities focusing mainly on the reporting provisions of the Constitution, the work of the supervisory bodies, the need to respond to their comments and to take any implementing measures this might entail. Participants in these courses would later attend the Conference and sit on its Committee on Conventions and Recommendations or on other technical committees.

III. The need to simplify reporting and supervision

With the growing workload which the supply of reports placed on govern-ments and which the examination of these reports placed on the Committee of Experts, it became important as early as the 1950s to look for simplifi cations in the periodicity of reporting and in the formulation of the supervisory comments.

Until 1958, the information on the effect given to ratifi ed Conventions had been due every year. For the following two decades these reports were called for on a two-yearly basis. In 1977, their periodicity was made dependent

The Valticos years 13

14 Mlanges Nicolas Valticos

on the importance and the urgency of the issues raised by the previous fi ndings of the Committee of Experts. Under this selective system (as further refi ned subsequently) detailed reports can be called for on a yearly, two-yearly or fi ve-yearly basis.

Following a similar trend to concentrate on those implementation prob-lems needing priority attention, the Experts began in 1957 to include only major observations in their published report, leaving other points or clarifi cations to be addressed to governments in the form of direct requests. On the other hand, the Experts would indicate in footnotes to selected observations whether a response was called for in a report the following year or even earlier in the Conference Committee on Standards.

As is clear from this rapid overview, the new techniques of reporting and examination were all intended to concentrate on the most urgent and complex issues requiring priority attention in the hope of promoting full consideration of such problem cases at the tripartite level.

IV. Tripartism as a growing factor in ILO supervision

With non-governmental organizations nowadays playing such a promi-nent role in national and global affairs, it is easy to forget that the full-scale par-ticipation of workers and employers in the newly created International Labour Organization was at the time a bold innovation, especially from an international perspective. A quarter century later, after the Second World War, the ILO went a step further in formally associating the occupational organizations in the opera-tion of its supervisory system. One of the constitutional amendments adopted in 1946 requires governments to send copies of their reports to the representa-tive organizations of workers and employers so as to make them aware of the information transmitted to the International Labour Offi ce and to enable them to comment, especially in cases where the Experts had previously raised ques-tions concerning national laws and practice. Initially only a few occupational organizations seized this new opportunity, prompting the Committee of Ex-perts and the Conference Committee to express their surprise at the organiza-tions failure to play a more active role in the supervisory process. The Offi ce then decided to send letters each year to the central workers and employers organizations, supplying them with background data on the reports currently due, such as report forms and copies of outstanding observations concerning their country. In addition, the Offi ce responded to a request of the Workers Group by organizing short study sessions on standard-setting and procedures for union representatives attending the Conference.

The number of comments from the occupational organizations soon showed a steady increase from a yearly average of 12 in the 1960s to around 70 a decade later, reaching as high as 200 in recent years. Between a quarter and a third of these comments come from the employers side, proof that the system truly serves the interests of both non-governmental partners. Thus a practical, relatively inexpensive initiative has helped over time to extend the scope of supervisory techniques in an essential way.

Not unrelated to this trend was the adoption in 1976 of the Tripartite Consultation (International Labour Standards) Convention (No. 144) which calls for the operation of national procedures to ensure effective consultation between government, employer and worker representatives on, inter alia, ques-tions arising from the reports to be made to the International Labour Offi ce on ratifi ed Conventions. The ratifi cation of Convention No. 144 by over 100 coun-tries should give added impulse to the tripartite tradition throughout the ILOs standards-related activities.

V. Enlisting the Conference as a resonant supervisory forum

The growing worker and employer involvement in the reporting phase of supervision soon found its parallel in the proceedings of the tripartite Confer-ence Committee on Standards: when the non-governmental members found that repeated discussions of serious cases of non-compliance failed to produce results, they proposed in 1957 to highlight the most persistent cases in a special list intended to draw the attention of the Conference to the urgent need for action. After initial opposition and voting, the list soon became part of the Commit-tees regular procedure. Although occasionally dubbed the black list, this in-novative technique, which also included the adoption of special paragraphs, helped over time to pave the way towards fuller implementation.

Sometimes the mere possibility of special mention acted as an inducement towards remedial measures. More often actual inclusion in the list was needed to produce progress. In a 1930s study on the League of Nations, a British academic had coined the phrase mobilization of shame, which perhaps best sums up the motivation behind the whole special list strategy.

It is however true that the strategy was also one of the factors which during the fi nal years of the Cold War era prevented on three occasions the formal approval of the Standards Committees Report by the Conference ple-nary, due to the lack of a quorum.

The Valticos years 15

16 Mlanges Nicolas Valticos

VI. Discrete diplomacy as a new supervisory tool:The direct contacts procedure

It was Nicolas Valticos who, a decade after the introduction of the special list, came up with the idea of using on-the-spot diplomacy to help governments cope with major diffi culties in complying with ratifi ed ILO Conventions. The concept was relatively simple: when other supervisory efforts had failed, why not move from written comments and often controversial exchanges in the public arena of the Conference to a private and more relaxed dialogue in the country concerned where the government could explain its problems more fully while at the same time seeking practical advice towards a solution?

The Experts who were all too familiar with the type of situations to be addressed in this way readily agreed to the concept, noting in their 1967 report that it might contribute to a positive solution to the problems encountered rather than to have to make fruitless criticism ending in deadlock.1 After the Confer-ence Committee also endorsed the idea, the Committee of Experts spelled out the basic principles the following year: in essence, an ILO representative, either a staff member or an independent person, would at the initiative or with the consent of the government concerned, visit the country to discuss specifi c dif-fi culties with offi cials and would also be in contact with the national workers and employers organizations. The direct contacts approach soon came to be used for a much broader range of purposes than originally envisaged, particu-larly in the contentious sphere of freedom of association.

In practical terms, the procedure can perform three main functions: to bring national policy in line with the requirements of ILO standards; to establish the facts underlying effective compliance; and to provide a kind of technical as-sistance. Its main advantages are fl exibility of operation, informality, a pragmatic approach and relative rapidity. In a ten-year review of the experience gained (1969-1979), the Committee of Experts welcomed the results obtained.2

Valticos who directly and indirectly had been so closely involved in all aspects of the direct contacts enterprise found himself in the eye of the storm during the ups and downs of the dramatic Solidarity case which contributed signifi cantly to the end of the Cold War. As representative of the Director-General, he visited Poland several times, eventually securing permission to see Lech Walesa, then in detention. No wonder that in a lecture to the Japan Institute of Labour (Tokyo, Oc-tober 1985) he underlined the features and positive results of the direct contacts procedure, although not mentioning that it had originally been his brainchild.

1 See Report of the Committee of Experts on the Application of Conventions and Recom-mendations, International Labour Conference, 51st session, 1967, Report III (Part IV), para. 39, p. 12.

2 See Report of the Committee of Experts on the Application of Conventions and Recom-mendations, International Labour Conference, 65th session, 1979, Report III (Part 4A), pp. 13-27.

VII. Tabulating the results of regular supervision

With the long-term efforts that go into the shaping and operation of an extensive supervisory system, there has always been an understandable concern whether all the reporting, the scrutiny, the discussions and the sometimes painful decisions have led to tangible results. As the system developed in scope and com-plexity, the need for reliable evidence became more and more obvious.

In the 1960s a survey of the effectiveness of ILO supervision got under way at the Graduate Institute of International Studies in Geneva, supported by a grant from the Rockefeller Foundation in New York. The objective was to trace the govern-mental response positive or otherwise to the observations made by the Com-mittee of Experts over a period of 30 years. Based on a sample of about a thousand documented cases, the results were ultimately published in statistical form.

The criterion for determining in a given case whether actual progress had occurred was a statement in the Experts report noting with satisfaction that the shortcomings they had pointed to previously had been removed.

It was in the light of this systematic enquiry into the eventual outcome of its efforts that the Committee of Experts began in 1964 to list in its reports the cases of progress recorded during its current session. Continued from year to year, the Committee has been able to point to a mounting total of such cases so that already in the 1990s the cumulative fi gure had passed the 2,000 mark. While this is an impressive record by any measure, it is also true that the implementing steps governments take are not all of the same degree of impor-tance in terms of national social policy or international implications.

VIII. ILO supervision in the era of globalization

Just as Nicolas Valticos was leaving the helm of the International Labour Standards Department, the complex issues surrounding worker rights and world trade were moving to the forefront of the ILOs agenda. Adding a touch of symbolism, the newly-formed World Trade Organization was soon to begin operation in the building on Lake Geneva that formerly housed the ILOs head-quarters. In a 1981 lecture, Valticos discussed the concept of minimum inter-national labour standards, suggesting that the ILO, as well as all its member states (and not only the developing ones), should make a systematic effort to promote in the fi rst place the implementation of these instruments.3

3 See Nicolas Valticos, Social conditions, equitable competition and trade in World Interdependence and Economic Co-operation Among Developing Countries, Centre for Applied Studies in International Negotiations, Geneva, 1982, p. 59.

The Valticos years 17

18 Mlanges Nicolas Valticos

Twenty years later he struck a somber note:

Il sagit ici dun problme des plus importants de lOIT. Au cours de son histoire, lOrganisation a rencontr bien des obstacles. Ceux dcoulant des conceptions relatives la mondialisation sont srieux, mais le mouvement du pendule ne peut sarrter, car lheure du social et de lhumain ne peut tre indfi niment carte. On ne peut, une fois encore, ne pas entendre les grandes voix qui se sont prononcs en ce sens, et en particulier celle, en 1941, du prsident Franklin Roosevelt, pour qui la politique conomique ne saurait tre un but en soi; elle ne peut tre quun moyen de raliser des buts sociaux. 4

The ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work adopted by the Conference in 1998 is designed to meet the challenges of glo-balization and indeed to ensure that social progress goes hand in hand with economic progress. The Follow-up Annex to the Declaration provides that the established supervisory mechanisms will be part of the yearly reviews on the effect g