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Université de Montréal Parental Separation and Child Adjustment: Longitudinal Perspective and Risk Factors Par Gessica Di Stefano Département de psychologie Faculté des arts et des sciences Thèse présentée à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l’obtention du grade de Philosophiae Doctor (Ph.D.) en psychologie recherche et intervention option clinique Mars 2013 © Gessica Di Stefano, 2013

Transcript of Université de Montréal Parental Separation and Child Adjustment ...

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Université de Montréal

Parental Separation and Child Adjustment:

Longitudinal Perspective and

Risk Factors

Par Gessica Di Stefano

Département de psychologie

Faculté des arts et des sciences

Thèse présentée à la Faculté des études supérieures

en vue de l’obtention du grade de Philosophiae Doctor (Ph.D.)

en psychologie recherche et intervention

option clinique

Mars 2013

© Gessica Di Stefano, 2013

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Résumé

Malgré de nombreuses études qui soutiennent l'idée que les enfants ayant

vécu la rupture de leurs parents rencontrent un plus haut niveau de difficultés

affectives et comportementales que les enfants de familles intactes, certaines

questions restent à éclaircir. Notamment, les données empiriques existantes ne

conduisent pas à des conclusions précises quant au moment exact de l’apparition de

ces difficultés. De plus, ce n'est pas clair si ces difficultés sont associées à la

séparation en soi, ou à bien d'autres facteurs liés à la séparation.

Cette thèse est constituée de deux articles empiriques. Le premier examine

l’adaptation de l’enfant avant et après la séparation en fonction du sexe et de l'âge

au moment de la séparation. Le second article présente une étude qui a pour objectif

de départager l’importance des facteurs parentaux et contextuels et celle de la

séparation parentale pour expliquer l’adaptation de l’enfant.

Les participants proviennent de l'Étude Longitudinale du Développement

des Enfants du Québec (ÉLDEQ, 1998-2006). À chaque enquête de l'ÉLDEQ, une

entrevue structurée réalisée auprès de la mère a permis d'évaluer les niveaux

d’hyperactivité/impulsivité, d’anxiété et d’agressivité physique de l’enfant. Pendant

cette entrevue, les mères ont également répondu à des questions sur la qualité de

leurs pratiques parentales et sur le revenu du ménage. Finalement, un questionnaire

auto-administré à la mère a permis d'évaluer ses propres symptômes de dépression

et d'anxiété.

La première étude inclus 143 enfants de familles séparées et 1705 enfants de

familles intactes. Deux sous-groupes ont été créés selon que l’enfant ait vécu la

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séparation entre 2 et 4 ans, ou entre 4 et 6 ans. L’adaptation de l'enfant a été évaluée

à un temps de mesure avant la séparation et à deux temps de mesure après la

séparation. Les résultats de cette première étude démontrent qu’avant la séparation,

les enfants de familles intactes et séparées ne se distinguent pas significativement

quant à leurs niveaux d’hyperactivité/impulsivité et d’anxiété. Par contre, ces

difficultés deviennent significativement plus élevées chez les enfants de familles

séparées après la rupture des parents. D’autres parts, le niveau d’agressivité

physique est plus élevé chez les enfants de la séparation indépendamment du temps

de mesure. Finalement, les différences entre les deux groupes d’enfants ne

dépendent pas du sexe ou de l’âge au moment de la séparation.

La deuxième étude inclus 358 enfants de 8 ans qui ont vécu la séparation de

leurs parents, et 1065 enfants du même âge provenant de familles intactes. Après

avoir contrôlé pour le sexe de l’enfant, les résultats ont démontré que lorsqu’on

tient compte de la contribution des symptômes maternels de dépression et d'anxiété,

de la qualité des pratiques parentales et du revenu du ménage dans l’adaptation de

l’enfant, la séparation parentale ne demeurent plus liée aux niveaux d’anxiété et

d'agressivité physique de l’enfant. Par contre, la relation entre la séparation

parentale et l’hyperactivité/impulsivité de l’enfant demeure significative.

Les résultats présentés dans les articles sont discutés ainsi que leurs

implications.

Mots-clés: séparation parentale, divorce, adaptation de l'enfant, sexe, âge, facteurs

de risque, dépression et anxiété maternelle, pratiques parentales, revenu du ménage,

étude longitudinale.

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Abstract

Despite the large body of research supporting the idea that children who

experience their parents’ separation encounter more emotional and behavioral

difficulties than children who grow up in continuously intact homes, several

questions remained to be investigated. Specifically, empirical evidence does not

lead to clear conclusions regarding the time of onset of the adjustment difficulties

experienced by children whose parents separate. Furthermore, it is not clear

whether it is the separation per se that leads to these difficulties, or whether other

factors can explain this association.

The present thesis is made up of two empirical articles. The first examines

the role of gender and age at the time of separation in children’s pre- and post-

separation adjustment. The second article aims to disentangle the role of parental

and contextual factors, and that of parental separation, in predicting child

adjustment.

Participants were from the Quebec Longitudinal Study of Child

Development (QLSCD, 1998-2006). At every wave of the QLSCD, a structured

interview with the mother allowed to assess children’s levels of hyperactivity/

impulsivity, anxiety, and physical aggression. During this interview, mothers also

answered questions regarding the quality of their parenting and their household

income. Finally, a self-report questionnaire was administered to mothers in order to

assess their own symptoms of depression and anxiety.

The first study included 143 children from separated families and 1705

children from intact families. Two categories of children were created according to

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whether separation occurred between ages 2 and 4, or between ages 4 and 6. Child

adjustment variables were assessed at one time point prior to parental separation

and at two time points following separation. The results of this first paper

demonstrated that prior to separation, children of intact and separated families did

not differ significantly with regards to their levels of hyperactivity/impulsivity and

anxiety. However, children whose parents separated had significantly higher

hyperactivity/impulsivity and anxiety levels after the occurrence of separation.

Physical aggression was not further increased following parental separation, but

was higher in children who experienced separation, irrespective of time. No gender

or age differences were found in children’s pre- and post- separation adjustment.

The second study included 358, 8 year-old children who had previously

experienced parental separation, and 1065 children of the same age who lived in

consistently intact homes since birth. After controlling for child gender, results

demonstrated that once the contribution of maternal symptoms of depression and

anxiety, parenting quality and household income was accounted for, parental

separation was no longer associated with child anxiety and physical aggression.

However, the relationship between separation and hyperactivity/impulsivity

remained significant over and beyond what was contributed by the other variables.

The results presented in the articles are discussed, and their implications are

highlighted.

Keywords: parental separation, divorce, child adjustment, gender, age, risk factors,

maternal depression and anxiety, parenting, household income, longitudinal study.

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Table of Content

Résumé .................................................................................................................. iii

Abstract ................................................................................................................. iv

List of tables .......................................................................................................... ix

List of figures ........................................................................................................ x

List of abbreviations ............................................................................................. xi

Dedication .............................................................................................................. xiii

Acknowledgements ............................................................................................... xv

Foreword ................................................................................................................ xvii

Introduction ........................................................................................................... 1

Article 1

Parental Separation and Child Adjustment Over Time: Do Age and

Gender Matter?........................................................................................... 32

Article 2

Child Adjustment Following Parental Separation: The Role of Maternal

Well-Being, Parenting Quality and Household Income.............................. 82

Conclusion............................................................................................................. 126

Appendix A

Items of the child behavior subscales ........................................................ xx

Appendix B

Items of the parenting subscales................................................................. xxii

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Appendix C

Items of the maternal depressive symptoms scale.................. xxiv

Appendix D

Items of the maternal anxiety symptoms scale........................ xxv

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List of Tables

Article 1

Table 1

Mean and standard deviation for HI, ANX and PA levels in boys and girls at

T1, T2 and T3 according to family type and age group ........................... 77

Article 2

Table 1

Mean and standard deviation for parent and child variables by family type

................................................................................................................... 123

Table 2

Correlations between parent and child variables .................................... 124

Table 3

Summary of Hierarchical Regression Analyses Evaluating Predictors of HI,

ANX, and PA .............................................................................................. 125

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List of Figures Article 1 Figure 1

Mean scores of HI across time according to family type ..................... 79

Figure 2

Mean scores of ANX across time according to family type ................... 80

Figure 1

Mean scores of PA across time according to family type ...................... 81

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List of Abbreviations

ANX Child Anxiety

HI Child Hyperactivity/Impulsivity

ICCQ Interviewer Completed Computerized Questionnaire

NLSCY National Longitudinal Survey of Child and Youth

PA Child Physical Aggression

PMK Person Most Knowledgeable about the Child

QLSCD Quebec Longitudinal Study of Child Development

T1 Time 1 (pre-separation)

T2 Time 2 (post-separation)

T3 Time 3 (later post-separation)

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Dedication This doctoral thesis is dedicated to my loving parents, Maria and Giacomo Di

Stefano. You came to this country many moons ago with lots of fears and anxieties,

but with the hopes of finding a better life. Well… you did not just find that life, you

worked incredibly hard to achieve it. Throughout your experiences, you created an

intention: to give to your children the opportunities that you missed out on. Thank

you for teaching me the value of education and strong work ethic. Most

importantly, though, I am grateful for your unconditional belief in me, and for

never doubting me, even when I doubted myself. This doctorate is my

accomplishment of course, but it is yours as well.

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Acknowledgements

The finish line of my doctoral studies represents an enormous milestone and

life accomplishment. However, the product of this uphill adventure would not mean

much if I could not express my gratitude to those who have helped me achieve it.

First and foremost, a grateful thank you goes out to my supervisor, Francine

Cyr, someone I have come to consider a mentor, but a friend as well. Throughout

this long journey, you have been there every step of the way to guide me, but also

to cheer me on. Your empathy, warmth and support have meant a great deal to me,

especially when I felt that this mountain was too high to climb. I will forever

remember your motivational pep talks, which always steered me in the right

direction.

To my husband, Fabio… where to begin? Your love and presence over the

past decade have meant the world to me. You always call me the smart one, but the

truth is that I have learned so much from you. You have taught me how to balance

work and play, and how to laugh when things got tough. You taught me to

appreciate the little things, and to let go of silly details. You have certainly in your

own way contributed to my doctorate.

Thank you to my brother and sister-in-law, Diego and Filina, for your

invaluable support and guidance in life. On a less serious note, thank you for

sending me mid-day videos of little Matthew doing crazy things with a swiffer. You

really know how to make a girl smile while she is writing her thesis.

I want to express my heartfelt thanks to Christina for our lifelong friendship.

You have always been so certain that I would succeed, and that has helped me

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believe it too. Thank you to Vanessa for the hysterical laughs we have shared over

the years. Your own experience with academia has created an unbreakable

sentiment of complicity between us, and has always made me feel like I had a

partner in crime. To my other girlfriends, Sabrina Squared, Teresa, and Claudia, I

am so grateful for our coffee dates and many life discussions, which gave me the

strength I needed to work towards my goals.

I want to thank my university colleagues as well. Through the many

obstacles we have had to overcome in graduate school, we have grown to be a close

bunch of friends who support and encourage each other till this day. I appreciate

our monthly get-togethers, and I am confident that our friendships will last for years

to come.

To my grandmother who talks about me so proudly to all her neighbors and

extended family members… it embarrasses me tremendously, but it certainly makes

me smile to know that you believe in me to that extent.

During my graduate studies, I was also fortunate enough to receive funding

by the Fonds Québécois de la Recherche sur la Société et la Culture (FQRSC). I

am grateful for their financial support, which allowed me to fully dedicate myself to

my studies, and even to attend several conferences. I would like to thank the

Ministère de la Justice du Québec for their funding, which allowed me to seek

statistical support services. Lastly, a warm thank you to Michel Chagnon for his

statistical guidance, his unbelievable patience and his incredible knack for

transmitting knowledge.

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Foreword

With a final sigh of relief, I reflect on the choices and experiences that have

led me to embark on this long, but rewarding journey. My interest in parental

separation and child well-being is founded on personal experience, but not in the

way one would naturally assume. I am from a culture that defines family as

everything, and that is defined by the unbreakable ties between and within

generations. We love passionately, and yes, we also fight passionately. But, if my

typically Italian upbringing has thought me anything, it is that when something is

broken, it is repairable with love and respect. When I think about the meaning of

family, I recall the weekly Sunday lunches at my grandparents’ home where the

entire family gathered, laughed and hugged. At that time of my life, the terms

parental separation and divorce were foreign to me. As I grew into adolescence,

this naiveté was challenged when my closest friends shared with me their stories of

shattered family life. My sensitivity to their experiences was a first indication of my

interest in the consequences of parental separation on children. Although I was not

sure about the how, what and when, I had a hunch that I would one day explore and

expand this interest.

It really came together for me in college, when I was introduced to the

wonderful world of psychology, and to topics related to lifespan development and

family systems, among others. It is not surprising that I chose to continue on this

path in university, where I was exposed to research, and volunteered in various

laboratories on a quest to find a topic that interested me. In my final year as an

undergraduate student, I volunteered in a health psychology laboratory where I

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somehow convinced my supervisor to let me investigate the effects of family

structure on asthma severity in children. She was reticent, but gave me the benefit

of the doubt, and luckily the results proved to be interesting. From that point on, I

was convinced about my interest to pursue research in the field of family life and

child development. There was no better place to do this than at University of

Montreal under the supervision of the esteemed Francine Cyr, whose name first

appeared to me when I was researching articles for my undergraduate Honors

thesis.

In my first year as a graduate student, I read numerous articles as an attempt

to further my knowledge about issues pertaining to parental separation and child

adjustment, and to narrow down my research topic. At first, I was overwhelmed by

the number of factors that come into play after parents decide to separate, and how

these affect all children differently depending on some of their own characteristics.

These readings left me with so many questions, but the ones I could not shake off

related to the adjustment of children of separated families over time, the time of

onset of their difficulties, and how their personal characteristics related to their

vulnerabilities. This largely guided my first study in which I explored child well-

being at pre- and post-separation, and investigated if and how child gender and age

at the time of separation made a difference in how children adjusted over time to

their parents’ breakup.

Although this first study gave rise to interesting results, it also made me

want to search further to more clearly understand what factors could help explain

the relationship between parental separation and child vulnerabilities. Some of

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these factors are out of children’s control, but greatly affect them, and thus I felt

strongly that research, or at least my research, should focus on these variables in

order to help create awareness about the danger zones of parental separation. I did

exactly this in my second study, which investigated whether certain post-separation

parental and contextual characteristics could help explain the association between

parental separation and child adjustment.

At the end of this research process, the answers to my questions are

insightful, and offer guidance to researchers who will follow in this field, as well as

to practitioners who attend to these families.

As I cross this finish line, I experience a feeling of satisfaction that I was

able to contribute to a cause I feel very strongly about: the well-being of children in

their family environment. I continue to be optimistic that with a bit of effort and a

lot of knowledge, in 10 years, we will no longer be talking about the negative

effects of separation on children, but instead about the rise of healthy separations

and the benefits this involves for children.

Hoping that the last few pages have offered a glimpse of the experiences

and choices on which my doctorate is founded, I now face the rest of my

professional career with snapshots of my journey shuffling through my mind,

remembering all the significant moments, good and bad, which have led me here.

Enjoy your reading…

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Introduction

Family is a continuously evolving concept, and its definition varies as a

function of culture, religion and personal beliefs. Yet, it is a generally accepted

view that family provides children with a sense of belonging, protection, and

security, while fulfilling their needs for nurturing, warmth, support and comfort.

The family context children grow to feel safe and comfortable in is, however,

altered in the event of parental separation or divorce. While children’s greatest

concerns should not exceed the everyday difficulties they encounter in school or

with friends, the experience of their parents’ breakup changes their world, internally

and externally, and suddenly they must somehow cope with the transitions they now

face.

Over the last few decades, parental separation and divorce have been high-

interest topics among scholars. In Canada, it is estimated that 38% of couples

married in 2004 will be divorced before their 30th wedding anniversary (Statistics

Canada, 2008). In the province of Quebec, this percentage reaches 48%, the highest

in Canada. The statistics mentioned thus far only reflect the dissolution of legally

married couples, and do not include the breakup of common-law marriages (i.e.,

cohabiting couples). Nevertheless, Quebec has the highest rate of common-law

unions in the country (Milan, Vézina, & Wells, 2007), with 63% of 2011 births in

Quebec being from non-married parents (Institut de la Statistique du Québec, 2012).

Research has shown that these unions are less stable and more likely to dissolve in

comparison to married ones (Le Bourdais, Neill, Turcotte, Vachon, & Archambault,

2000; Marcil-Gratton & Le Bourdais, 1999; Milan, 2000; Statistics Canada, 2002).

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Although this heightened risk is not as pronounced in Quebec as it is in other

provinces, indicating that common-law unions are more stable in Quebec than in the

rest of Canada, these unions still remain more fragile than married ones, with

approximately one third of children born to common-law couples experiencing

separation by age 8 compared to 15% of those born to married couples (Cyr, Di

Stefano, Lavoie & Chagnon, in press; Ducharme & Desrosiers, 2008).

Taken together, research and statistics suggest that parental separation and

divorce represent a reality that many children might have to face in their lifetime.

The higher rates of parental separation and divorce in Quebec place children at an

even greater risk, making it a particularly important issue for Quebec research to

explore. Furthermore, the higher rates of common-law couples in Quebec, and the

increased fragility of these unions suggest that many children who experience

separation in our province are from common-law unions. Thus, it is important to

include these children in research, which explores the effects of parental separation

on child adjustment.

Risk Increase in Children Who Experience Separation

Over the last 50 years, a plethora of research has focused on identifying the

impact of parental separation1 on child adjustment. Studies have consistently

demonstrated that children and adolescents from separated families encounter more

internalizing and externalizing behavior problems, as well as more cognitive and

academic difficulties in comparison to youth from continuously intact homes

(Carlson & Corcoran, 2001; Clarke-Stewart & Brentano, 2006; Lansford, 2009; 1 The term Parental Separation will hereupon be used to refer to the dissolution of both married and cohabiting unions, unless otherwise specified.

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Manning & Lamb, 2003). Two valued and well-known meta-analyses carried out by

Amato (2001) and Amato and Keith (1991) showed that the most significant effects

of parental separation were seen in externalizing behaviors (e.g., conduct disorders,

impulsive, antisocial and delinquent behaviors, social difficulties), although

symptoms of anxiety and depression were also found to be higher in children of

separated parents. Though most studies on children who experience separation show

that they have significantly more adjustment difficulties than children from intact

homes, the size of the effects is rather small in magnitude (Amato, 2001; Clarke-

Stewart & Brentano, 2006). This indicates that the negative outcomes of separation

are not homogenous, with only some children experiencing difficulties after

separation, while the majority fare well following the initial breakup period

(Hetherington & Kelly, 2002).

A Risk and Resilience Perspective of Child Adjustment after Separation

Mechanisms that protect children against the psychosocial risks associated

with adversity have been discussed in the literature for decades (Garmezy, 1975;

Masten, 1989; Rutter, 1979, Werner & Smith, 1982). However, it is mainly

Hetherington’s work, which has contributed to developing this framework

specifically in relation to parental separation (Hetherington, 1979, 1989, 1991,

1999; Hetherington & Stanley-Hagan, 2002).

Over the years, her work has supported the use of a multidimensional risk

and resilience model in order to achieve a greater understanding of the

heterogeneity of children’s post-separation outcomes (Hetherington & Stanley-

Hagan, 2002). This risk and resilience perspective provides the framework for the

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present thesis. Rather than simply comparing children who experience separation

and those who do not, we believe that there is a need to study the event of

separation in relation to specific factors. According to the multidimensional model

of risk and resilience, various theories are helpful in identifying these specific

factors (Hetherington & Stanley-Hagan, 2002). From the perspective of lifespan

theory, parental separation is an event in the life of the family, which leads to a

sequence of additional transitions. Family members may respond differently to such

changes depending on their own developmental stage and history. According to

family systems theory, the family is an interdependent system in which a change in

the family structure, or in the well-being of one member, ripples through the entire

family system affecting all individuals as well as the relationships between these

individuals. Finally, the ecological perspective goes beyond immediate family

relationships, and explains how various contextual and extrafamilial factors

influence individual adjustment (Hetherington & Stanley-Hagan, 2002).

Borrowing bits from each of these theories, our position is based on the

notion that individual child and parent characteristics, family relationships, and

contextual/environmental variables, as well as the complex interplay between all

these factors, give rise to unique circumstances, which either protect children from

the adverse effects of separation or increase their vulnerability. The following

sections focus on a variety of such factors, which research has indentified as

contributing to post-separation child well-being.

Age of the Child. Early findings have been mixed with regards to the role of

children’s age in their post-separation adjustment. Some studies carried out in the

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1980’s have suggested that children who are younger at the time of separation

experience fewer difficulties than those who are older (Kalter & Rembar, 1981;

Wallerstein & Kelly, 1980). Authors explain that over time, younger children’s

painful memories of the unhappy marriage and of pre-separation interparental

conflict subside, in turn easing the suffering (Wallerstein & Kelly, 1980). Other

early studies have shown that children are more likely to experience difficulties as

they approach adolescence (Chase-Lansdale, Cherlin, & Kiernan, 1995; Cherlin, et

al., 1991).

Conversely, findings from recent research have shown that children are

worse off when they are younger at the time of separation (Lansford et al., 2006;

Malone et al., 2004; Woodward, Fergusson, & Belsky, 2000). A few theories have

been drawn upon to explain why children under the age of six are most affected by

their parents’ breakup. Some authors adhere to an attachment theory, explaining that

parental separation can disrupt the normal development of secure attachment

relationships with either parent, leading to higher levels of anxiety in younger

children (Emery, 1999; Leon, 2003; Rogers, 2004). Cognitive theory on the other

hand highlights the inability of young children to understand and interpret family

breakup, and their limited ability to seek and obtain support from and outside the

family (Emery, 1999; Rogers, 2004). Egocentric thinking, which characterizes

children in this age group may also lead them to feeling responsible for parental

separation and to fear abandonment by their parents (Emery, 2004). The cumulative

stress theory supports the hypothesis that a continuous accumulation of stressful

events including and following parental separation exceeds the stress threshold that

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young children are able to handle, because of their underdeveloped cognitive ability

and disrupted attachment relationships (Carobene & Cyr, 2006; Cyr & Carobene,

2004; Rogers, 2004). Yet, these theories are contradicted by other studies, which

find that the effects of separation are not greater for a specific age group (Amato,

2001; Amato & Keith, 1991).

Gender. Research findings have not been consistent regarding the

relationship between gender and child adjustment after parental separation. Whereas

some researchers have not found boys and girls to differ in their level of difficulties

following separation (Vander Valk, Spruijt, de Goede, Maas, & Meeus, 2005),

others have highlighted the importance of distinguishing the degree of difficulties

encountered by boys and girls from the type of difficulties (Cyr, 1998). To do this, it

is necessary to explore different aspects of well-being because is likely that boys

and girls both experience a similar degree of problems following parental

separation, but that they differ in terms of the type or expression of these difficulties

(Cyr, 1998). For instance, while some studies show that pre-adolescent boys are

more likely than girls to experience externalizing problems (Amato, 2001; Malone

et al., 2004), it has been argued that girls experience more internalizing problems

than boys (Emery, 1992). Storksen, Roysamb, Moum, and Tambs (2005) found that

adolescent girls of divorced families experienced significantly more internalizing

problems than boys, who were only shown to experience school problems. Yet,

other studies have demonstrated that it is adolescent girls who are more affected in

terms of their academic achievement and educational attainment. For instance, Sun

& Li (2009) found that adolescent girls in post-divorce unstable families showed

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significantly more negative school performance growth patterns (i.e., less academic

progress) over time than adolescent boys. Hill, Yeung, & Duncan (2001) showed

that parental separation between ages 11 and 15 was negatively associated with

girls’ education attainment in adulthood, while it was positively associated with

boys’ education attainment.

Pre-Separation Child Adjustment. Studies have demonstrated that the

differences between children of intact and separated families are evident several

years prior to separation (Amato, 2000; Kelly, 2000, 2003; Strohschein, 2005, 2012;

Sun, 2001; Sun & Li, 2001, 2002). Amato (2000) goes as far as stating that

children’s behavior problems are present 8 to 12 years prior to separation. Painter

and Levine (2000) explored the behavioral and psychological well-being of children

of to-be-divorced parents. Their findings showed that behavioral and emotional

problems were significantly higher in adolescents whose parents later divorced

(15% vs. 2.8%) than in those in continuously intact homes (9% vs. 1.2%). A study

by Robbers et al. (2011) compared 6,426 children from intact and separated families

on internalizing and externalizing problems. In addition to finding higher post-

separation externalizing and internalizing behaviors in children who experience

separation, in comparison to those of intact families, it was also found that

externalizing behavior problems were already present at pre-separation for girls.

Taken together, such results suggest that even before the dissolution of their

parents’ relationship, children fare worse than children of parents who stay together.

It is likely then that a portion of the higher levels of post-separation difficulties

observed in children of separated parents are not caused by parental separation per

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se, but perhaps by other conditions within the pre-separation family environment.

Pre-separation adjustment difficulties are possibly tied to family and parental

dysfunction other than, but potentially related to, parental separation (Carobene &

Cyr, 2006; Strohschein, 2005). It has been found that in comparison to children

from intact families, those from separated families showed increased heterogeneity

in pre- and post-separation outcomes, mainly due to higher environmental variances

(Robbers et al., 2012). Such findings suggest that environmental factors contribute

significantly to the varying degree of difficulties encountered by children both

before and after separation. Marital conflict, for instance, is often referred to as an

example of environmental adversity, which in many cases precedes separation and

predicts changes in children’s behaviors (Jenkins, Simpson, Dunn, Rabat, &

O’Connor, 2005; Unger, Brown, Tresell, & McLeod, 2000). It is important to note

however that the opposite may also be true, that is, children’s behaviors can also

predict an increase in marital conflict. For instance, difficult child behaviors can be

handled differently by both parents, which can emphasize their differences in

parenting, and potentially lead to interparental disagreement and tension.

Interparental Conflict. Research has consistently demonstrated that

interparental conflict is associated with child adjustment problems (Drapeau, Gagné,

& Henault, 2004; Grych, 2005, Kelly, 2000). Parent conflict has been a highly

studied topic in separated families, as it has been found that 8 to 15% of separated

parents continue to engage in conflict after they have separated (Kelly, 2012) and

that this interparental hostility continues for over 2 years following separation

(Lewis, Johnson-Reitz, & Wallerstein, 2004). Post-separation conflict is often

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focused on the child, and frequently refers to custody arrangements, visits, financial

support, parenting styles, in turn causing children to feel responsible for the

disagreement between parents and caught in their conflict (Emery, 1999;

Hetherington, 1999; Noller, Feeney, Sheehan, Darlington, & Rogers, 2008). The

most destructive post-separation conflict is when parents make demeaning remarks

about the other parent, and triangulate children in their conflict by implicitly or

explicitly asking them to side with one parent against the other. This can be seen in

situations where separated parents pass messages through their children rather than

speaking directly with one another, ask them to spy on the other parent, or use their

children as pawns with which to manipulate their ex-partner. In studies of college

students and young adults, researchers have found that putting down the other

parent in the presence of children is associated with increased anger, stress, and

poorer parent-child relationships (Amato & Afifi, 2006; Fabricus & Hall, 2000).

Other studies with college students have demonstrated that those whose parents

remain in high conflict after separation report significantly greater feelings of loss,

high levels of distress in comparison to those who experience low levels of parent

conflict after separation (Fabricus & Leucken, 2007; Laumann-Billings & Emery,

2000). In adolescents, it was found that post-separation interparental conflict

contributed significantly to the association between divorce and externalizing

problems (Simons, Lin, Gordon, Conger, & Lorenz, 1999). Therefore, it is believed

that the difficulties encountered by children of separated parents are better explained

by interparental conflict than by the separation per se (Clarke-Stewart, Vandell,

McCartney, Owen, & Booth, 2000; Kelly, 2000; Noller et al., 2008; Simons et al.,

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1999).

Some authors suggest that the effects of parental separation on children vary

as a function of pre-separation interparental conflict. More specifically, it has been

suggested that if pre-separation conflict is low, children experience greater distress

because they perceive the separation as an unpredicted, negative and uncontrollable

event (Booth & Amato, 2001; Hanson, 1999; Peris & Emery, 2004). They do not

experience a feeling of relief as do children who are living in a pre-separation

environment marked by high intensity and frequency of interparental conflict. The

opposite is also true: if pre-separation conflict is high, children fare better

psychologically when their parents separate than when they remain together (Booth

& Amato, 2001; Carobene, Cyr-Villeneuve, & Cyr, 2007; Jekielek, 1998; Peris &

Emery, 2004). In this case, separation can be seen as a better alternative than an

intact family with high levels of interparental conflict.

Emotional Well-Being of Parents. The psychological adjustment of parents

is an important factor to consider when examining child adjustment in any family

type (Kelly, 2012). Maternal depression has been shown to be associated with an

increased risk of anxious/depressed, attention deficit, and oppositional defiant

disorders in children, among other internalizing and externalizing problems

(Meadows, McLanahan, & Brooks-Gunn, 2007; Turney, 2011). In their research,

Cummings, Keller, and Davies (2005) demonstrated that both maternal and paternal

depressive symptoms were associated with internalizing and externalizing problems

in children, as well as difficulties with peers and lower levels of prosocial behavior.

They also found that the relationship between parental emotional health and child

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outcomes was mediated by marital conflict. This finding suggests that parental

adjustment problems can lead to problems in the couple’s relationship, and is

consistent with studies showing that the risk of parental separation is higher for

emotionally troubled parents than it is for well-adapted adults (Wade & Pevalin,

2004). However, parental mental health issues have also been shown to carry over

or deteriorate following separation, and research demonstrates that separated

individuals compared with married ones, exhibit more symptoms of depression and

anxiety, as well as more physical health problems and more substance use (Hughes

& Waite, 2009; Wade & Pevalin, 2004; Waite, Luo, & Lewin, 2009).

Although it is not clear if parental maladjustment predicts or is a

consequence of separation, authors suggest that for children in separated families,

living with a well-adjusted parent is a protective factor for their long-term healthy

adjustment (Kelly, 2012). After parental separation, children living with mothers

who have psychological difficulties are more likely to experience emotional,

behavioral and academic difficulties than children of well-adjusted separated

mothers (Carlson & Corcoran 2001; Meadows et al., 2007; Pruett, Williams,

Insabella, & Little, 2003). Research suggests that parental emotional health is a

more important variable to consider than parental separation per se when studying

post-separation child adjustment. For instance, a recent three-generation study using

longitudinal data demonstrated that for children with high familial risk for

depression (i.e., having a depressed parent and grandparent), parental divorce had

no impact on child outcomes (Vousoura, Verdeli, Warner, Wickramaratne, & Baily,

2011). The authors concluded that children of depressed parents are already more

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likely to encounter psychological difficulties, and that divorce alone does not

account for these difficulties.

Several pathways have been discussed to explain how parental emotional

problems are associated with child adjustment difficulties. Other than the likely

genetic risk, some argue that parental depression can create a stressful living

environment for children, disrupt daily routines, and limit the quality of parenting

abilities, in turn adversely affecting children’s well-being (Cummings et al., 2005;

Marmorstein, Malone, & Iacono, 2004). Others have found that higher levels of

parental symptomatology in either mothers or fathers is associated with more

negative parent-child relationships, which mediates the relationship between

parents’ symptoms and internalizing and externalizing problems in children (Pruett

et al., 2003).

Quality of Parenting. In any family type, the quality of parenting is a

central variable in children’s healthy development. In the event of separation,

however, parents may feel preoccupied, stressed and angry, which in turn is related

to difficulties providing their children with warmth, affection, support, supervision,

and effective discipline (Kelly, 2012). Authors stress that adequate parenting is

considered a protective factor as it reduces the negative effects of parental

separation (Sandler, Miles, Cookston, & Braver, 2008; Videon, 2002). For instance,

in a study by Martinez and Forgatch (2002), controlling for parenting quality

attenuated the relationship between marital transitions and children’s externalizing

and internalizing difficulties. The quality of parenting also protects children from

the various risk factors associated with parental separation. For example, higher

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post-separation conflict levels have been associated with lower parenting quality

(Krishnakumar & Buehler, 2000; Whiteside & Becker, 2000), but warmth from at

least one parent has been shown to placate the effects of conflict on children’s

internalizing problems in divorcing families (Sandler et al., 2008).

The importance of parenting quality after separation has also been reinforced

by randomized controlled trials studying the effects of parenting intervention

programs on child well-being (Forgatch, Patterson, Degarmo, & Beldavs, 2009;

Wolchik et al., 1993, 2000). In a nine-year study, intervention induced parenting

improvements in newly separated mothers were linked to lower levels of adolescent

delinquent behaviors, fewer arrests, and a delay in age at first arrest at the nine-year

follow-up (Forgatch, Patterson, Degarmo, & Beldavs, 2009).

One last aspect to consider relates to the fact that children mostly live with

their mothers following parental separation. However, the quality of the nonresident

father’s parenting is also important to keep in mind as research has revealed that

children who have stronger ties with their nonresident father exhibit fewer post-

separation internalizing and externalizing problems (King & Sobolewski, 2006). In

a study by Stewart (2003), which investigated the well-being of 1,469 adolescents

living with their mothers, it was found that father involvement was related to lower

emotional distress in youth. Research has largely demonstrated that non-resident

father involvement and close father-child relationships are protective factors that

decrease children’s risk of experiencing psychological, social, and academic

problems compared to youth with less close relationships (Amato & Gilbreth, 1999;

Booth, Scott, & King, 2010).

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Economic Resources. It is common for parents to experience a significant

decline in economic resources following separation (Kelly, 2012). In Quebec, as in

the United States, this risk is even higher for mothers than it is for fathers (Grall,

2007; Familles Québec, 2011). A study having used a representative sample of

Quebec children found that following separation, the majority (72%) of children

were placed in the primary custody of their mother (Cyr et al., in press). Thus,

children who live with their mothers following separation are more likely to be

exposed to economic hardship than children who live with their fathers (Conger,

Conger, & Martin, 2010). They are also more likely to move to less desirable

housing, schools and neighborhoods. The links between low socio-economic status

and child well-being have been widely recognized in the scientific literature, with

financial hardship having negative repercussions on children’s academic

functioning, cognitive development, socio-emotional well-being, and physical

health (Bradley & Corwyn, 2002).

Also noteworthy is that before separation even occurs, parents report lower

incomes in comparison to parents who stay together (Strohschein, 2012), supporting

the notion that economic hardship can also be a predictor of parental separation

(Amato, 2010). Some studies have not found pre-separation income to account for

post-separation child difficulties, perhaps suggesting that there are other factors

beyond income and more specific to the occurrence of parental separation, which

better predict child well-being following separation (Cheng, Dunn, O’Connor, &

Golding, 2006; Strohschein, 2005). On the other hand, Pong and Ju (2000) found

that adolescents’ school dropout rates were due both to the decline of income

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following separation, and to the greater economic disadvantage experienced prior to

marital dissolution.

Authors have also investigated pre-separation income in order to explain the

difficulties observed in children prior to separation. In one such study, Strohschein

(2012) showed that higher levels of antisocial behavior and hyperactivity preceding

marital dissolution were mainly accounted for by the socioeconomic disadvantage

found in soon-to-be separated families. The link between pre-separation socio-

economic status and child difficulties was mediated through more dysfunctional

family processes in soon-to-be separated families.

Research Objectives

The empirical research outlined above offers an overview of some of the

major factors associated with post-separation adjustment of children and

adolescents. These factors can be classified in three broad categories. Child

characteristics refer to gender, age at the time of separation and pre-separation

adjustment, while parent characteristics refer to parental emotional well-being,

quality of parenting and interparental conflict. Lastly, environmental characteristics

refer to variables such as household income.

In line with a risk and resilience frame of reference, the present thesis sought

to clarify if and how child, parental and environmental characteristics contribute to

the diversity of outcomes often observed in children who experience separation.

Numerous studies have focused on such variables, but few have explored the

adjustment of very young children to parental separation over time while

considering child characteristics. Further, while many studies focus on single

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parental characteristics such as mental health or quality of parenting, there is a need

to also assess the combined contribution of these and other adverse circumstances of

separation in predicting how children adjust to separation.

Data from the Quebec Longitudinal Study of Child Development (QLSCD)

was used to address the objectives of this research. The QLSCD is a study designed

to identify the precursors of social adaptation, the progress of this adaptation and its

consequences on children when they begin school as well as in the longer term

(Jetté & Desgroseilliers, 2000). The data gathered in the QLSCD was not collected

to specifically answer the research questions of the present research, and certain

variables needed for a comprehensive review of child adjustment as a function of

specific targeted factors were not all available. Therefore, some of the initial

research questions, such as the role of interparental conflict, paternal parenting and

paternal emotional well-being, were rejected due to missing data. The available

indicators were retraced in the database in order to explore the variables, which

were of interest to this research. The resulting objectives were explored within two

empirical research articles.

The first article investigated the behavioral and emotional differences

between children of intact and separated families at pre- and post-separation, while

considering the role of gender and age at the time of separation. The second article

assessed the post-separation differences between children of intact and separated

families, and then attempted to disentangle the contribution of parental separation

from that of maternal emotional well-being, parenting quality and household income

in predicting children’s outcomes.

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Article 1

Parental Separation and Child Adjustment Over Time:

Do Age and Gender Matter?

Abridged version of this article submitted to Journal of Family Psychology

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Running head: PARENTAL SEPARATION AND CHILD ADJUSTMENT OVER TIME

Parental Separation and Child Adjustment Over Time:

Do Age and Gender Matter?

Gessica Di Stefano and Francine Cyr

University of Montreal, Canada

The research described in this article was supported by grants from the Ministère de

la Justice du Québec and the Fonds Québécois de Recherche sur la Société et la

Culture. The authors wish to thank the Institut de la Statistique du Québec for

authorizing the use of the Quebec Longitudinal Study of Child Development data

for the purpose of this research. Special thanks go out to Miguel Chagnon for his

assistance with data analysis, and to Paul-Marie Huot for the creation of the family

context variables used in this study.

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Abstract

Although research suggests that parental separation is associated with negative child

outcomes, the factors that contribute to this vulnerability are less clear, especially in

very young children. The goal of this paper was to examine the pre- and post-

separation behavioral and emotional differences between children of intact and

separated families, while considering gender and age at the time of separation.

Participants were from the Quebec Longitudinal Study of Child Development, and

included children from separated (n =143) and intact families (n =1705). Indicators

of well-being were assessed at pre-separation (T1), post-separation (T2), and later

post-separation (T3). Repeated measures analyses of covariance demonstrated that

hyperactivity/ impulsivity did not differ by family type at T1 and T2, but was

significantly higher at T3 for children who experienced separation. A marginally

significant interaction showed that anxiety did not differ by family type at T1, but

was significantly higher for children of separated families at T2 and at T3. Physical

aggression was not further increased following parental separation, but was higher

in children who experienced separation irrespective of time. No gender or age

differences were found in how children adapted to parental separation. Results offer

a longitudinal perspective of the difficulties encountered by children of separated

parents, and clarify the role played by gender and age in this evolution over time.

Keywords: parental separation, divorce, child adjustment, age at the time of

separation, gender, longitudinal study.

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Parental Separation and Child Adjustment Over Time:

Do Age and Gender Matter?

Over the last few decades, the rising rate of parental separation has had

important repercussions on the environment in which children evolve (Juby, Marcil-

Gratton, & Le Bourdais, 2005). In Canada, it is estimated that 38% of marriages

will end in divorce before their 30th wedding anniversary (Statistics Canada, 2008),

a percentage which reaches 48% in the province of Quebec. These statistics are

likely underestimated as they do not include the dissolution of common-law

marriages. When such unions are considered, research finds that approximately 30%

of Quebec children experience the dissolution of their parents’ relationship by the

time they are 8 years old (Cyr, Di Stefano, Lavoie & Chagnon, in press).

Parental separation and child adjustment

An abundance of research has shown that in comparison to children from

intact homes, children from separated families are more likely to experience anxiety

and depression, aggressive and delinquent behavior, attention and thought problems,

relational difficulties with parents, as well as social and academic problems (Amato,

2010; Ambert, 2009; Frisco, Muller, & Frank, 2007; Greene, Anderson,

Hetherington, Forgatch, & DeGarmo, 2003; Harland, Reijneveld, Brugman,

Verloove-Vanhorick, & Verhulst, 2002; Liu et al., 2000; Reifman, Villa, Amans,

Rethinam, & Telesca, 2001; Stanley & Fincham, 2002; Sun & Li, 2002; Vander

Valk, Spruijt, de Goede, Maas, & Meeus, 2005). Although many children who

experience separation are exempt of diagnosable clinical disorders, it has been

suggested that they still experience more emotional pain and distress than children

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from intact homes (Kelly & Emery, 2003; Laumann-Billings & Emery, 2000;

Nakhnikian, 2004). Therefore, the size of the effect is small in magnitude, yet

remains statistically significant (Stanley & Fincham, 2002, Amato, 2001, 2010). Cyr

and Carobene (2004) elaborate on this, explaining that children who experience

separation are more vulnerable to encountering psychological and behavioral

difficulties, but only actually do in some cases. Certain child characteristics have

been studied and discussed in the literature in order to clarify which factors

contribute to child vulnerabilities following separation.

Age at the time of separation. Although results have been mixed in past

research, the recent literature adheres to a developmental hypothesis proposing that

younger children are more affected by parental separation than older children and

adolescents (Lansford et al., 2006; Leon, 2003; Malone et al., 2004; Rogers, 2004;

Strohschein, Roos & Brownell, 2009; Wallerstein, Lewis, & Blakeslee, 2002;

Woodward, Fergusson, & Belsky, 2000). One longitudinal study found that children

who experienced separation between kindergarten and grade 5 manifested more

internalizing and externalizing problems across all waves of the study, in

comparison to children who were between grade 6 and 10 at the time of separation

(Landsford et al., 2006). Another study by Malone et al. (2004) showed that boys

who were in primary school when their parents split-up experienced increases in

externalizing behaviors (e.g., delinquent and aggressive behaviors) in the year of

separation, and these elevated levels persisted up to five years following separation.

However, boys who were in middle school at the time of separation showed an

increase in externalizing behaviors during the year of separation followed by a

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decrease one year after separation, which was maintained at following waves of the

study. In addition to pointing out the importance of age at the time of separation,

such results also indicate that child adjustment can fluctuate over time, thus

suggesting the importance of assessing short- and long-term adjustment to parental

separation.

Amato (2001) suggests the necessity of taking into account both the age of

the child at the time of separation and the time elapsed since separation because

these two variables are often confounded. For instance, it has been found that

children who experience parental separation or family structure changes between

birth and preschool have more negative outcomes in adolescence than children who

experience these family transitions in middle or late childhood (Cavanagh &

Huston, 2008; Woodward et al., 2000). However, in such studies, it is questionable

whether it is age at separation that is related to post-separation adjustment rather

than time elapsed since separation. For example, it is possible that the younger the

child at the time of separation, the longer they have been exposed to post-separation

disadvantage (e.g., socioeconomic hardship, paternal absence, post-separation

interparental conflict.), thus making them more vulnerable to difficulties during

adolescence. In fact, some authors support the notion that post-separation child

difficulties and time lapse since separation are positively related (Storksen,

Roysamb, Moum, & Tambs, 2005). On the other hand, some studies have shown

that children’s problems gradually decrease as the time elapsed since parental

separation increases (Harland et al., 2002). Stanley and Fincham (2002) state that

children experience the greatest negative effects in the two years following

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separation, but tend to experience a difficulty decrease thereafter. This is consistent

with what pioneer studies have revealed on the topic (Wallerstein and Kelly, 1980).

More research is needed in order to elucidate whether or not post-separation

child difficulties increase, decrease or remain stable as time elapsed since separation

increases. To do this, it is necessary to (1) categorize children according to their age

at time of separation and (2) assess behavior at comparable temporal points in

relation to their parents’ separation. Few recent studies have used such an approach,

but did not include children who experienced parental separation very early in

development (Landsford et al., 2006; Malone et al., 2004). Studies that do include

children who were exposed to parental separation during toddlerhood or preschool

years tend to explore the longer-term outcomes, such as well-being at one point in

time during middle to late childhood, adolescence or even early adulthood

(Cavanagh & Huston, 2008; Chrismer-Still, 2010; Woodward et al., 2000).

Therefore, it is not clear how very young children fare within a few years of the

separation, an important time period to explore as it very likely sets the stage for

later development.

Gender. Most recent studies have not reported any significant gender

differences in child adjustment following parental separation (Hetherington, 2006;

Painter & Levine, 2000; Sun, 2001, 2002: Woodward et al., 2000). The few studies

having explored gender difference in children who are younger than age 6 at the

time of separation tend to focus on long-term outcomes. For instance, Woodward

and colleagues (2000) did not find that adolescent girls and boys who experienced

parental separation as preschoolers differed significantly in the quality of

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adolescent-parent attachment. Similarly, Hill and colleagues (2001) did not find any

significant gender difference in adult education attainment among the group of

participants who experienced parental separation between ages 5 and 10. Whereas

these studies do not investigate the psychological and behavioral well-being of

children, one study by Cavanagh and Huston (2008) did, finding that boys who

experienced family instability before grade 1 exhibited increases in externalizing

behavior and decreases in social competency by grade 5, while girls did not.

However, in the latter study, family instability did not necessarily imply parental

separation or divorce. One study, which explored the role of gender in the effects of

separation on children within the first 3 years of life demonstrated that boys were

more affected by separation than girls in terms of cognitive performance, whereas

girls were more affected than boys in terms of negative behaviors with their mother

(Clarke-Stewart, Vandell, McCartney, Owen, & Booth, 2000). Therefore, it is

possible that boys and girls differ in terms of the type of difficulties encountered

rather than the degree of difficulty. There is a need to further investigate how gender

is related to young children’ psychological and behavioral outcomes within a few

years of parental separation. This would add knowledge to the shorter-term

perspective of the effects of separation on young children.

Pre-separation child adjustment. Research finds that children whose

parents eventually split-up present higher levels of anxiety, depression and

antisocial behavior as well as lower academic achievement prior to separation, in

comparison to children from continuously intact families (Strohschein, 2005; Sun,

2001). It is believed that these already-present pre-separation difficulties largely

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account for the post-separation problems observed in children. Sun (2001) and Sun

& Li (2001) found that children whose parents later separated showed lower

achievement scores, more behavioral difficulties, and poorer self-esteem in

comparison to children whose parents did not separate. These pre-separation

differences fully explained the observed post-divorce differences between children

in separated and intact homes.

Yet, some research has revealed that children’s pre-separation adjustment

does not fully account for the difficulties they experience after parental separation

(Furstenberg & Kiernan, 2001). In their pooled time-series analysis, Sun and Li

(2002) showed that three years prior to divorce, adolescents of parents who would

later divorce had lower academic test scores than those whose parents remained

together, and that these differences further worsened after divorce. Proceeding from

this angle, Strohschein’s (2005) longitudinal study showed that anxiety and

depression had significantly increased following parental separation at age 7,

beyond the level of adjustment prior to separation when children were 4 years old.

There are also studies which do not support the pre-separation effect. With a

sample of children who were approximately 3.5 years of age at pre-separation and

6.5 years of age at post-separation, Cheng, Dunn, O’Connor, and Golding (2006)

did not find that children in soon-to-be separated families showed significantly

greater levels of behavioral and emotional problems than children of intact families.

Furthermore, in a recent study using the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study-

Kindergarten Class 1998-1999 (ECLS-K), there was no evidence of a pre-separation

effect in children who experienced parental separation between ages 6 and 9 (Kim,

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2011). Similarly, Keer and Michalski (2007) did not find that levels of hyperactivity

and inattention were higher at pre-separation in children who experienced their

parents’ breakup between ages 4 or 5 and 10 or 11.

To sum up, recent studies do not clearly indicate whether pre-separation

differences exist between children of intact and separated families, and whether

these are further increased by the event of parental separation. It also remains to be

determined whether age at the time of separation and gender play a role in how

children fare before and after separation.

The present study was designed to compare children of intact and separated

families over time, while considering the role of age at the time of separation and

gender. This type of research is particularly important because it not only provides a

portrait of children from separated families according to age and gender, but it also

aims to uncover whether these personal characteristics represent risk factors for

children who experience this family transition. Since this study was based on

longitudinal data, child adjustment was assessed at one time point prior to parental

separation (T1) and at two time points following separation (T2 and T3). Two

categories of children were created according to their age at the time of separation.

For each age group, pre- and post-separation adjustment measures were taken at

comparable time points in relation to parental separation. Therefore, time elapsed

since separation was always similar in each age group, making it possible to more

accurately determine if age at the time of separation was related to the adjustment of

the child to parental separation. Measures of hyperactivity/impulsivity (HI) and

physical aggression (PA) were used to assess externalizing behaviors, and a

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measure of anxiety (ANX) was used to assess internalizing behaviors.

The hypotheses examined were, first, that children from pre-separated

families would be more likely to exhibit adjustment difficulties than their peers

from continuously intact families. Second, it was hypothesized that the differences

between children of intact and separated families would be further increased at T2.

Third, it was expected that at T3, children who experienced separation would still

exhibit significantly more difficulties than children of intact families. The fourth

hypothesis postulated that children who were younger at the time of separation

would experience greater post-separation difficulties than those who were older at

the time of separation, relative to their same-age counterparts in intact families.

Finally, to add to results of recent studies, this study sought to answer the following

research question: Would the post-separation differences between children from

intact and separated families differ by gender?

Method

Participants

Participants were from the Quebec Longitudinal Study of Child

Development (QLSCD, 1998-2006). The QLSCD includes a cohort of children born

from singleton births between October 1997 and July 1998 to mothers living in

Quebec (Jetté & Desgroseilliers, 2000). Those born in northern Quebec, the Cree

and Inuit territories, and Indian reserves (2.1% of Quebec births), and those whose

pregnancy duration was unknown (1.3% of Quebec births) were excluded from the

population targeted by the QLSCD. The sample was representative of all children

born in Quebec during this period, through a randomized, 3-level stratified survey

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design. At Wave 1, the total original sample consisted of 2120 infants around five

months of age. Longitudinal follow-ups were carried out annually at ages 1.5 years

(Wave 2), 2.5 years (Wave 3), 3.5 years (Wave 4), 4 years (Wave 5), 5 years (Wave

6), 6 years (Wave 7), 7 years (Wave 8), 8 years (Wave 9).

The present study is a secondary analysis of the original QLSCD data. In

order to target our sample, a variable identifying children’s family context at each

wave of the QLSCD was created from information provided by families at annual

follow-ups. This variable was coded “yes” or “no” according to whether or not a

parental separation had occurred since the previous wave. Of the original 2120

participants, our study targeted two distinct groups of children: Age Group 1

included children who experienced parental separation between ages 2.5 and 4

(n=69) and Age Group 2 included those who experienced it between ages 4 and 6

(n= 72). This means that for Age Group 1, the score was consistently “no” until a

separation occurred anytime between ages 2.5 and 4. Similarly, for Age Group 2,

the score was consistently “no” until a separation occurred anytime between ages 4

and 6. Children who experienced parental separation before age 2.5 and after age 6

were not included in the sample. Those whose parents never lived together or did

not live together at the time of their birth were also excluded.

Children who lived in consistently intact homes between birth and age 8 (n =

1705), and thus for whom the score was “no” at all waves of the QLSCD, were

randomly assigned to two corresponding groups (n= 871 for Age Group 1; n=834

for Age Group 2). This allowed two comparison groups to be created for each group

of children from separated families, in turn allowing analyses to investigate whether

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age differences exist in how children adapt to parental separation relative to children

of the same age in intact families.

Although many studies only include children whose parents are legally

divorced, this study included parental separations regardless of the legal marital

status (i.e., married or cohabiting couples) at the time of breakup, as this is

representative of Quebec unions.

Procedure

In the original QLSCD, a letter of introduction and descriptive brochure

were sent to the target families according to the addresses selected from the Master

Birth Register. The main goals of these documents were to describe the general and

specific objectives of the survey, to explain the important role parents would have in

the project, to clearly describe the time involved in the interviews, and to ensure

parents of the data confidentiality. Families were contacted by telephone

approximately two weeks later to inquire about their interest in participating.

Following the recruitment period, interviews were carried out annually in the

homes of participating families. At each annual visit, one or both parents were

required to sign an informed consent form, and then proceed to the Interviewer

Completed Computerized Questionnaire (ICCQ). The ICCQ2 involves a one-hour

face-to-face structured interview, completed in either English or French. Responses

to questions were obtained from the person most knowledgeable about the child

(PMK) - the mother in more than 99% of cases (Morisset & Baillargeon, 2006).

2 The topics covered in this interview refer to socio-demographic and socio-economic information, lifestyle and health status of parents, child temperament and behaviour, as well as motor and social development, family functioning, and parenting.

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Solely the data from this interview was used in the present study. Other

questionnaires and activities were carried out during annual visits, but go beyond

the scope of our study and will thus not be described.

Measures

Time. Children’s measures of hyperactivity/impulsivity (HI), anxiety (ANX)

and physical aggression (PA) were assessed at three specific time points. Time

variables were created for T1 to correspond to pre-separation, for T2 to correspond

to post-separation and for T3 to correspond to a later post-separation time. Because

parental separation could not possibly be dated in children from intact families, they

were matched by age to children from separated families at T1, T2, and T3.

Therefore, children from both intact and separated families in Age Group 1 were 2.5

years old at T1, 4 years old at T2, and 6 years old at T3. Children from intact and

separated families in Age Group 2 were 4 years old at T1, 6 years old at T2, and 8

years old at T3.

Behavior. The items that compose the HI (6 items), ANX (4 items), and PA

(5 items) subscales were derived from the Behavior scale of the ICCQ (see

Appendix A). This scale was formulated from items of the National Longitudinal

Survey of Children and Youth (NLSCY, Statistics Canada, 1995) and incorporates

several questionnaire items known in the field of child development: Child Behavior

Checklist (CBCL; Achenbach, Edelbrock, & Howell, 1987); Preschool Behavior

Questionnaire (PBQ; Behar & Stringfield, 1974; Fowler & Park, 1979); Social

Behavior Questionnaire (SBQ; Tremblay, Loeber, Gagnon, Charlebois, Larivée, &

LeBlanc, 1991); Ontario Child Health Survey (Boyle et al., 1987; Offord et al.,

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1987).

For the HI subscale, the internal consistency coefficients ranged from .70 to

.79 from T1 to T3 (Cronbach’s alpha), and from .66 to .76 for the PA subscale.

Scales composed of almost identical HI and PA items have previously shown good

discriminant and predictive validity (Nagin & Tremblay, 1999; Seguin, Nagin,

Assaad & Tremblay, 2004). For the ANX subscale, the internal consistency

coefficients ranged from .60 to .69 from T1 to T3. The items that compose it are

originally from the SBQ’s anxious behaviors scale (Tremblay et al., 1991), which

has been found to relate in theoretically consistent ways to outcomes such as

prosocial behavior (Pagani, Tremblay, Vitaro, Boulerice & McDuff, 2001).

Child HI, ANX and PA were rated by the PMK on a Likert scale assessing

the frequency (1 = never or not true; 2 = sometimes or somewhat true; 3 = often or

very true) to which the behaviors in question occurred. From these original ratings,

the Institut de la Statistique du Québec computed derivative variables for each

behavior by using a specific formula to transform the average scores into a

standardized score ranging from 0 to 10. Higher scores indicate more problematic

behaviors, but do not necessarily identify diagnosable disorders (Institut de la

Statistique du Québec, 2001).

Results

Preliminary Analyses

The extent to which socio-demographic and socio-economic variables were

related to family type was examined. There were significantly fewer boys (40%)

than girls (60%) in the separated group, while there was a similar number of boys

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(52%) and girls (48%) in the intact group, χ2 (1, N = 1846) = 6.80, p < .01. At T1,

intact families were significantly more likely than eventually separating families to

report a household income in the highest earning bracket, χ2 (3, N = 1479) = 13.94, p

< .01). More specifically, 32% of intact families reported earning over $80K, while

only 18% of eventually separating couples reported this same income.

The age difference between separated mothers (M = 32 years, SD = 4.52)

and non-separated mothers (M = 34 years, SD = 4.98) was significant, t (1521) =

5.12, p < .001. Similarly, the age difference between separated fathers (M = 34

years, SD = 5.83) and non-separated fathers (M= 36 years, SD = 5.39) was also

significant, t (1414) = 2.35, p < .05. Approximately one third of mothers and fathers

had a university degree, and their level of education did not differ by family type (p

= .15). Finally, over 90% of mothers and fathers were born in Canada, and this

status did not differ significantly by family type (p = .23 for mothers; p = .29 for

fathers).

Main Analyses

We tested the effect of family type, gender and age group on the T1, T2 and

T3 levels of HI, ANX and PA, as well as the behavior changes that occurred

between T1 and T2, T2 and T3, and T1 and T3. Given that preliminary analyses

showed pre-separation household income, and mother and father’s age to differ by

family type, these variables were retained as covariates. For each behavior, a 2

(Family Type) X 2 (Gender) X 2 (Group) X 3 (Time) repeated measures analysis of

covariance (ANCOVA) was carried out (α = .05). When a significant interaction

was revealed, post-hoc pairwise comparisons using the Least Significant Difference

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(LSD) method were carried out within the ANCOVA analyses to decipher how the

effect of one variable differed according to the level of another. Means and standard

deviations for HI, ANX and PA are presented in Table 1, according to gender,

family type and age group at T1, T2 and T3.

Hyperactivity/Impulsivity (HI). Findings neither revealed a significant

interaction of family type, age group and time (p = .13), nor a significant interaction

of family type, gender and time (p = .56). However, a significant interaction of

family type and time was revealed, F (2, 2192) = 7.83, p < .001, η2 = .007, and is

illustrated in Figure 1. More specifically, pairwise comparisons demonstrated that

irrespective of gender and age group, T1 levels of HI did not differ significantly

between children of intact and separated families (p = .58). At T2, the difference

between children of intact and separated families became a statistical trend (p =

.06), with children of separated parents exhibiting greater levels of HI than children

of intact family. At T3, children who had experienced separation showed

significantly higher levels of HI than children of intact families (p < .01). A

significant interaction of age group and time was also revealed, F (2, 2192) = 13.83,

p < .001, η2 = .012. Pairwise comparisons showed that irrespective of family type

and gender, Age Group 1 had significantly higher T3 levels of HI than Age Group 2

(p < .01), whereas the difference between both groups was only marginally

significant at T1 (p = .05) and not significant at T2 (p = .65). In other words, there

were no significant age differences in HI levels until age 6, after which a significant

decrease was observed, resulting in 8 year-old children presenting with significantly

lower levels of HI than 6 year-old children.

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On an exploratory basis, this study sought to investigate the HI changes that

occurred over time. As Figure 1 illustrates, a gradual increase of HI is observable

over time in children from separated families, while a gradual decrease is

observable in children from intact families. However, to precisely examine the

statistical differences between T1, T2 and T3, it was important to consider age

group in addition to family type. This method was favored because the changes

between T1, T2 and T3 differed by family type, but also by age group, as was

revealed by both the interaction of time and family type, and the interaction of time

and age group. Nevertheless, the lack of a significant family type, age group and

time interaction indicates that the differences between children from intact and

separated families are found irrespective of age group. Although the results of the

various interactions seem confounding, these simply suggest that children who

experience separation earlier and those who experience it later differ in how they

evolve over time. However, these same “age differences” are also observable

between the younger and older children from intact families. In other words, the

effect of separation is not greater or lesser in one particular age group, it is simply

expressed differently.

This is precisely what was revealed by the pairwise comparisons. For Age

Group 1, results indicated that children who experienced separation showed

significant increases between T1 and T2 (p < .05), and between T1 and T3 (p <

.001), but not between T2 and T3 (p = .30). However, their counterparts in intact

families did not show any significant changes across time (p ranging from .13 to

1.00). For Age Group 2, children who experienced separation did not show any

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significant changes across time (p = 1.00). However, for their counterparts in intact

families, HI levels did not differ significantly between T1 and T2 (p = .19), but did

decrease significantly between T1 and T3 (p < .001) as well as between T2 and T3

(p < .001).

Finally, a significant main effect of gender was revealed, F (1,1096) = 15.44,

p < .001, η2 = .014. Irrespective of family type, age group and time, boys presented

significantly greater overall levels of HI than girls.

Anxiety (ANX). Results did not indicate a significant interaction of family

type, age group and time (p = .56), nor did they show a significant interaction of

family type, gender and time (p = .07). Findings for the interaction of family type

and time were marginally significant, F (2, 2190) = 2.95, p = .05, η2 = .003 (see

Figure 2). Pairwise comparisons showed that at T2 and T3, higher levels of ANX

were revealed for children from separated families than for those from intact

families (p < .05), but not at T1 (p = 1.00). Furthermore, a significant interaction of

time and age group was revealed, F (2, 2190) = 15.39, p < .001, η2 = .014. Pairwise

comparisons demonstrated that at T1 and T2, Age Group 2 had significantly higher

anxiety levels than Age Group 1, irrespective of family type and gender. Both

groups however did not differ from one another at T3 (p = .71). Therefore, ANX

increases significantly until the age of 6, after which these increases lessen,

resulting in non-significant differences between 6 and 8 year-old children.

Once more, since the effect of time depended on both family type and group,

as was also the case with HI, it was important to consider both these variables when

exploring the evolution of ANX over time. Pairwise comparisons revealed that for

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Age Group 1, children of intact and separated families both experienced significant

increases from T1 to T2 (p < .001), T2 to T3 (p < .001), and T1 to T3 (p < .001).

For Age Group 2, children of intact and separated families both experienced

significant increases from T1 to T2 (p < .001), and from T1 to T3 (p < .001).

However, the increase in ANX from T2 to T3 was only significant for children of

intact families (p < .05), whereas the increase in children from separated families

was not a significant (p =1.00).

Although these results seem to indicate that there are some age differences

in how children from separated families evolve over time, the family type, age

group and time interaction was not significant. This means that the differences

observed in the evolution of younger and older children from separated families are

comparable to the differences in the evolution of younger and older children of

intact families. In other words, the fact that ANX did not increase significantly from

T2 to T3 for children who experienced separation at a later age is not due to the

effect of separation being larger for the younger age group. It is due to common age

differences observed in children in general. In fact, the increase for older children of

intact families was also lessened between T2 and T3, although remaining

significant.

Finally, no gender differences were revealed with boys and girls exhibiting

similar levels of anxiety (p = .84).

Physical aggression (PA). Findings neither revealed a significant

interaction of family type, age group and time (p = .54), nor a significant interaction

of family type, gender and time (p = .45). No significant family type and time

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interaction was revealed either (p = .15). However, results did indicate a significant

time and age group interaction, F (2, 2194) = 4.17, p < .05, η2 = .004. Irrespective

of family type and gender, Age Group 1 showed significantly higher levels of

physical aggression than Age Group 2 at T2 (p < .01), although both groups did not

differ significantly at T1 (p = .94) and T3 (p = 37). Thus, children’s levels of PA do

not fluctuate significantly before age 4, but do decrease significantly between ages 4

and 6. After 6 years old, PA levels do not change significantly, leading to non-

significant differences between 6 and 8 year-olds. Moreover, a significant main

effect of family type was revealed, F (1, 1097) = 7.22, p < .01, η2 = .007,

demonstrating that irrespective of time, age group and gender, children of separated

families exhibited significantly greater levels of physical aggression than children of

intact families (see Figure 3). Finally, a significant main effect of gender was

shown, F (1, 1097) = 19.40, p < .001, η2 = .017, with boys exhibiting significantly

higher levels of physical aggression than girls.

Summary of Results

Given the density of the previous section, it is useful to present here a

summary of the results. First, our findings revealed that prior to the occurrence of

separation (T1), children whose parents eventually separated and those whose

parents remained together exhibited similar levels of HI and ANX. However,

children presented with significantly higher HI and ANX levels after their parents’

break-up in comparison to children of intact families. These higher difficulty levels

were perceivable soon after separation for ANX (T2) and a few years later for HI

(T3). In addition, ANX levels remained higher until T3 for children from separated

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families than for those from intact families. On the other hand, the event of parental

separation was not associated with any significant changes in children’s PA levels.

Rather, children from separated families exhibited higher PA levels than children

from intact families across time, that is from T1 to T3. Although results revealed

general age and gender differences for certain behaviors, the effect of separation

was similar across age groups and genders for all outcomes measured.

Discussion

This article compared children of intact and separated families at different

time points on levels of hyperactivity/impulsivity, anxiety and physical aggression.

Using a longitudinal database, the main objective was to explore the pre- to post-

separation evolution of child outcomes as a function of age at the time of separation

and gender. Four specific hypotheses were postulated, one research question was

posed, and results provide partial support for our expectations.

We first tested the hypothesis that children from pre-separated families

would be more likely to already be exhibiting difficulties in comparison to their

peers from continuously intact families. Our results for hyperactivity/impulsivity

and anxiety did not support this first hypothesis, as it was found that children of

intact and separated families did not differ significantly on these outcomes at pre-

separation. On the other hand, the findings for physical aggression were in support

of this hypothesis. That is, given the lack of a statistically significant interaction of

family type and time, physical aggression was shown to be significantly higher in

children who experience separation than in those from intact families, irrespective

of time, suggesting that the higher level of aggression in children of separated

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parents was already present at pre-separation.

The second hypothesis of the study postulated that the differences between

children of intact and separated families would be further increased at T2, and the

third hypothesis postulated that children who experienced separation would still be

exhibiting significantly more difficulties than children of intact families at T3.

Results revealed a statistical trend, showing that in comparison to children of intact

families, children who experienced separation presented with higher post-separation

(T2) levels of hyperactivity/impulsivity, which became significantly higher at T3.

Such a finding suggests a longer-term effect of separation rather than an immediate

one with regards to hyperactivity/impulsivity. Since hyperactivity/impulsivity did

not increase enough by T2 to become significantly higher in children of separated

families than in children of intact families, the second hypothesis of this study

cannot be supported with certainty, while the third one can be.

On an exploratory basis, we investigated the evolution of hyperactivity/

impulsivity across time. Both family type and age group were considered in

exploring the changes that occurred from pre- to post-separation because the effect

of time depended on both these variables, independently. Results showed that

children who were between ages 2.5 and 4 at separation increased significantly in

their levels of hyperactivity/impulsivity (T1 to T3), while those who were between

ages 4 and 6 at separation did not present any significant changes over time. In

intact families, children in the younger group did not show any significant increases

over time in their level of hyperactivity/impulsivity, whereas children in the older

group presented a significant decrease over time (T1 to T3). Indeed these seem like

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important age differences, but the lack of a significant time, family type, and age

group interaction indicates that whether children experience separation earlier or

later, they are not worse off from one another, in relation to children from intact

families. What can be concluded from these results is that overall, children who

experience separation present a significantly more negative evolution across time

than children of intact families in terms of hyperactivity/impulsivity, although this

more negative evolution is represented differently in older and younger children.

In terms of anxiety, both the second and third hypotheses were supported, as

it was shown that children who experienced separation exhibited significantly

higher levels of anxiety at both post-separation time points (T2 and T3). Therefore,

for anxiety, it seems that the effect of separation is more immediate than it is for

hyperactivity/impulsivity, but also persists over time. It is however important to

point out that this interaction was marginally significant and should be interpreted

with caution. To explore the evolution of anxiety across time, both age group and

family type were taken into account. Results revealed that the younger group of

children in both separated and intact families consistently showed increases across

all times of measurement (T1 to T2 to T3). In the older group, children of intact

families also presented significant increases consistently across all times, whereas

children who experienced separation showed a significant increase (T1 to T2)

followed by a period of no change (T2 to T3). The overall anxiety difference

between children of intact and separated families illustrated in Figure 2 was

significant at T2, suggesting that the initial increase (T1 to T2) was significantly

greater for children who experienced separation. The lack of significant change in

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anxiety between T2 and T3 observed in the older children from separated families

clarifies why the overall level of anxiety of children from separated families toned

down at T3, although remaining significantly higher than that of children of intact

families.

For physical aggression, the lack of a statistically significant interaction of

family type and time revealed that the higher pre-separation level of aggression in

children from separated families was maintained throughout the study, but was not

further increased following parental separation. In other words, the event of parental

separation was not associated with increases in aggression, therefore rejecting the

second hypothesis of the study. However, since children who experienced

separation exhibited more aggressive behavior across time, the third hypothesis is

supported.

Next, we tested the expectation that children who experienced separation

when they were younger at the time of separation would exhibit greater post-

separation difficulties than children who were older at the time of separation,

relative to their same-age counterparts in intact families. Although the sample of

this study included two groups based on the child’s age at the time of separation,

children from both of these groups were below the age of 6 at the time of separation,

and no significant interaction of family type, age group and time was revealed for

any of the explored outcomes. That is, even if there were age differences at a given

time for some of the outcomes, these differences were found irrespective of family

type. Therefore, these results reject the fourth hypothesis for all the outcomes

studied.

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Moreover, although some gender differences were revealed for some of the

explored outcomes (e.g., hyperactivity/impulsivity, physical aggression), these

differences remained the same regardless of family type and time. Therefore, the

answer to this study’s research question is that boys and girls do not react

differently to parental separation over time.

Taken together, the results of the present study have shown that the event of

separation is associated with hyperactivity/impulsivity and anxiety increases in

children whether this increase takes place immediately following separation or a

few years later. However, our findings do not support the presence of difficulties at

pre-separation, with regards to hyperactivity/impulsivity and anxiety. Such findings

are not consistent with the many studies, which have shown that in comparison to

children whose parents remain together, children whose parents eventually separate

already present a higher degree of difficulty before separation occurs (Amato, 2000;

Kelly, 2000, 2003; Painter & Levine, 2000; Strohschein, 2005; Sun 2001, Sun & Li,

2001, 2002). Rather, our results are similar to those in Cheng and colleagues’

(2006) study, which did not find children from separated families to have

significantly greater pre-separation levels of hyperactivity and emotional symptoms

than children of intact families, but did find them to present with higher difficulty

levels at post-separation. Interestingly, Cheng and colleagues’ (2006) study used a

sample of children similarly aged to ours, whereas other studies, which do reveal

pre-separation differences often include older children and adolescents (Sun, 2001;

Painter & Levine, 2000), potentially explaining why results differ between studies.

In Strohschein’s (2005) study, it was found that children experienced more pre-

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separation anxiety/depression than those in continuously married families, and that

these emotional difficulties were further increased following parental separation.

Our results for anxiety only support the second half of Strohschein’s (2005) results,

as the differences between children of intact and separated families were

significantly increased following separation, suggesting that parental separation

brought on a higher anxiety increase in children.

Our results for physical aggression revealed higher pre-separation

difficulties, which were maintained, but not increased by the event of parental

separation. These findings are in line with those of Strohschein (2005) who

demonstrated that although antisocial behavior was significantly higher in children

of soon-to-be separated parents than in children of intact families, there was no

further increase observed following parental separation. Such results suggest that

the post-separation differences between children of intact and separated families are

partly due to the already-present pre-separation difficulties rather than to parental

separation per se (Lansford, 2009; Sun, 2001; Sun & Li, 2001). The quality of the

family environment prior to separation has often been referred to in order to explain

children’s already higher pre-separation difficulties. For example, before parental

separation occurs, children are likely exposed to interparental tension and conflict.

According to research studies, which have explored the effects of interparental

conflict on child adjustment regardless of parental separation occurrence, an

atmosphere of conflict between the parents is a poor example of problem-solving

for children, therefore being associated with difficulties in controlling aggressive

impulses and leading to social difficulties and even conduct disorder (Cummings &

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Davies, 1994; Buehler & Gerard, 2002; Emery, 1982, 1988; Grych & Fincham,

1990; Kelly, 2000). The fact that parental separation did not lead to further increases

of aggression in our study is possibly due to the fact that the majority of children are

less exposed to interparental conflict after their parents’ breakup. However, this is

not a rule, as for some children, interparental conflict does not cease following

separation (Kelly, 2003; Kelly & Emery, 2003).

In addition, our findings, that post-separation levels of hyperactivity-

impulsivity, anxiety and physical aggression were maintained up to four years

following separation, are inconsistent with research that suggests that children’s

difficulties subside or come back to normal two years after parental break-up

(Stanley & Fincham, 2002; Wallerstein & Kelly, 1980). Instead, our results are in

line with studies, which have revealed that as time elapsed since separation

increases, children’s difficulties may decrease or remain stable, but they still remain

higher than those of children of intact families (Harland et al., 2002; Hetherington &

Stanley-Hagan, 1999; Storksen, Roysamb, Holmen, & Tambs, 2006).

Furthermore, the results of the current research suggest, for all the outcomes

measured, that children below the age of the latency stage adjust similarly to their

parents’ break-up, irrespective of age and gender. Due to the impossibility of

including older children in our study, we cannot conclude that it is worse to

experience parental separation when younger as some authors have (Emery, 1999,

2004; Leon, 2003; Rogers, 2004). Perhaps, if the present study would have included

grade school children and adolescents in addition to the two age groups used, age

and gender differences would have been found. In fact, studies, which do reveal age

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differences, include a sample with a wider age gap (e.g., Landsford et al., 2006;

Malone et al., 2004), and those that reveal gender differences normally include older

children or adolescents (e.g., Sun & Li, 2009; Hill et al., 2001). Some authors have

also suggested that age and gender interact, with boys presenting more difficulties

than girls during childhood, but girls having a comparable level of difficulties to

that of boys during adolescence; this is otherwise known as the catching-up effect

(Cyr, 1998; Sirvanli-Ozen, 2005).

Noteworthy is that although our results demonstrate that children of

separated families have significantly more difficulties than children of intact homes,

these differences are small in magnitude, as was represented by the very small effect

sizes found for effects involving the family type variable (η2 values ranging from

.003 to .007). This confirms what other studies have found (Amato, 2001;

Furstenberg & Kiernan, 2001; Stanley & Fincham, 2002). These small effects may

partly be due to the fact that children who experience separation have repeatedly

been found to show significantly greater variability in terms of adjustment in

comparison to children of intact families (Cheng et al., 2006; Storksen et al., 2006;

Painter & Levine, 2000). Therefore, while some children do not experience negative

repercussions following separation, others may show more severe difficulties. Child

characteristics were included in this research, as an attempt to clarify whether these

variables help understand why some children fare well after separation while others

do not. These characteristics were not found to be significantly associated with

adjustment difficulties in children from separated families, suggesting that other risk

factors must be explored in order to more clearly understand the vulnerability of

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some children. Child well-being can be affected by a multitude of other factors that

can be brought on by parental separation (Cyr & Carobene, 2004). For instance,

research shows that decreases in parental mental health and in the quality of

parenting, as well as increases in interparental conflict are all related to difficulty

increases in children following separation (Amato, 2001, 2010; Lengua, Wolchik,

Sandler, & West, 2000; Wolchik, Wilcox, Tein & Sandler, 2000; Wood, Repetti &

Roesch, 2004).

This study has made valuable contributions to this field of research in

several ways. First, by taking pre-separation measures of child well-being into

account, it was possible to conclude that post-separation levels of well-being are not

necessarily due to pre-existing difficulties, in turn adding weight to the argument

that parental separation or factors associated to it can be responsible for the post-

separation difficulties encountered by children. However, this study also supports

the argument that some pre-existing problems such as aggression may account for

post-separation difficulty levels.

In addition, this study focused on the adjustment of children who

experienced parental separation prior to age six, an age group, which seems to have

been forgotten in much of the recent literature on the issue of parental separation

and divorce, most probably due to the difficulty of assessing symptoms in very

young children. Furthermore, not only has this study explored post-separation child

adjustment in close proximity to the parental break-up, it also explored it between 2

and 4 years later, therefore going beyond what is commonly known as the crisis

period and adding weight to the argument that children who experience separation

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have lasting difficulties following separation. This study has also provided support

that age and gender do not make a difference in how children adjust to their parents’

separation, when this separation occurs before the age of six.

Finally, unlike many other studies in the field, which only focus on children

of legally divorced parents, the present research also included children whose

parents had a common-law relationship prior to separation. This decision was

justified by the fact that cohabitation rates are higher in Quebec than anywhere else

in Canada, and thus that a significant proportion of children who experience

separation in this province are from cohabiting common-law parents (Milan,

Vézina, & Wells, 2007). It was considered important to include these children as

they likely experience the same reality as children of married parents after a

separation occurs. Therefore, in order to have a representative view of what

separation means for Quebec children, it was necessary to proceed in this manner.

It is nevertheless important to highlight that exploring child adjustment

without accounting for parental marital status prior to separation (cohabiting vs.

married) can be viewed as a significant limitation. This may especially be true since

the risk of separation is higher in cohabiting couples than it is in married couples

(Ducharme & Desrosier, 2008). Thus, it is worth wondering if it is cohabitation,

rather than separation, that plays a role in the difficulties of children who experience

separation. Controlling for marital status would have allowed us to disentangle the

effect of separation from that of marital status on child well-being. This, however,

was not a main goal of the present study. On the contrary, the higher risk of

separation in cohabiting couples was not tampered with statistically because these

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unions represent the popular trend in our province and reflect Quebec culture. By

holding the risk of separation constant between children of married and cohabiting

parents, we would have investigated the effects of separation on children who are all

at an equal risk of experiencing parental breakup, which is not the case in reality. In

addition, given that the differential effects of separation on children of previously

cohabiting and married parents is not a topic that has, to our knowledge, been

investigated in the literature, we had no significant reason to believe that children

would differ in their adjustment to separation depending on marital status prior to

separation. However, the existing research which explores the differences between

cohabiting and married couples reveals that the decision to cohabit is based on a

selection process where cohabiting parents are younger, less traditional, have lower

incomes, lower educational attainment (Cyr, Di Stefano, Lavoie, Chagnon, in

press). These are in fact variables that were explored, and controlled in our study.

Nevertheless, it would be valuable to explore the role of cohabitation in children’s

pre- to post- separation outcomes, after accounting for these other socio-

demographic characteristics.

The current study includes a few other limitations that are also worth

discussing. For instance, we only took into account the first parental separation

experienced by children. This means that other family transitions (e.g., remarriage,

blended families, subsequent separations) after that time point were not considered

because of the difficulty in establishing a stable and decent-sized sample across

multiple waves. Therefore, these results apply to children who have undergone at

least one parental separation, but may include children who have undergone more

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than that.

Moreover, although this study succeeded at limiting the time span of the pre-

and post-separation time period, it still was not entirely controlled. In other words, it

is not known at which precise time point a child experienced parental separation;

what is known is between which ages a child has experienced the breakup. This

means that T1 corresponded to 0-2 years prior to separation, T2 to 0-2 years after

separation, and T3 to 2-4 years after separation. Given that very young children

develop at extremely rapid rates, even small differences in age at the time of

separation between children of a same group can result in comparing children who

are actually quite different from one another.

In addition, the behavior scales used in the present study were not the

complete scales commonly used in research, such as the CBCL. Instead, this study

incorporated fragments of scales from various questionnaires. Although it is always

preferable to use a specific and complete scale of a well-known questionnaire, this

was not possible in the QLSCD given the number of variables explored.

Nevertheless, the items used in this study were considered to properly measure each

behavior in question and yielded for the most part acceptable Cronbach’s alphas.

The lower internal consistency for the anxiety subscale can in part explain why the

interaction of family type and time was marginally significant. Therefore, it is more

cautious to consider each behavior variable as a behavior index, or as an indicator of

difficulties, rather than a standardized score. This, of course, makes it difficult to

assess how outcomes compare to an actual diagnosis of a specific disorder.

However, as Amato (2010) puts it, this is not necessarily a disadvantage since

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standardized measures of well-being can often overlook the more subtle

consequences of divorce. In fact, the very small mean differences between children

of intact and separated families, as well as the very small effect sizes revealed in the

analyses allow us to speak of an increased vulnerability in children who experience

separation, rather than actual severe problems.

Over the years, the study of the consequences of parental separation on

children has proven to be an extremely complex endeavor. There are a myriad of

factors that come into play before and after separation, and that can be associated to

how children cope with the family transition. This paper has only explored the role

of age and gender in child well-being after separation. Research will continue to be

needed in order to further our understanding with regards to which factors help

explain child adjustment following parental separation.

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Table 1

Mean and standard deviation for HI, ANX and PA levels in boys and girls at T1, T2 and T3 according to family type and age group

Intact Families (N=1705) Separated Families (N=141) Girls Boys Total Girls Boys Total Variables M (n) SD M (n) SD M (n) SD M (n) SD M (n) SD M (n) SD HI Group1 T1 3.65 (387) 2.25 4.15 (386) 2.40 3.90 (773) 2.32 3.78 (40) 2.08 4.00 (28) 1.83 3.87 (68) 1.92 T2 3.38 (377) 1.96 4.11 (380) 2.13 3.75 (757) 2.04 4.64 (39) 2.16 4.41 (29) 2.46 4.54 (68) 2.22 T3 3.54 (286) 2.04 4.29 (288) 2.21 3.92 (574) 2.12 4.67 (33) 1.95 4.81 (27) 1.92 4.73 (60) 1.87 Group 2 T1 3.43 (350) 2.14 4.02 (368) 2.00 3.73 (718) 2.06 4.12 (43) 2.11 4.70 (27) 2.07 4.34 (70) 2.03 T2 3.36 (260) 1.93 3.92 (251) 2.00 3.64 (511) 1.96 3.71 (44) 1.95 4.91 (28) 1.78 4.18 (72) 1.83 T3 2.62 (256) 1.85 3.37 (234) 2.21 2.98 (490) 2.01 3.69 (44) 2.22 4.37 (28) 2.39 3.95 (72) 2.22 Total T1 3.54 (737) 2.20 4.08 (754) 2.22 3.81 (1491) 2.21 3.95 (83) 2.09 4.35 (55) 1.96 4.11 (138) 2.01 T2 3.37 (637) 1.94 4.03 (631) 2.08 3.70 (1268) 2.01 4.15 (83) 2.09 4.66 (57) 2.15 4.36 (140) 2.08 T3 3.10 (542) 2.01 3.88 (522) 2.25 3.48 (1064) 2.12 4.11 (77) 2.15 4.59 (55) 2.16 4.31 (132) 2.12

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Table 1 (Continued from previous page)

Intact Families (N=1705) Separated Families (N=141) Girls Boys Total Girls Boys Total Variables M (n) SD M (n) SD M (n) SD M (n) SD M (n) SD M (n) SD ANX Group1 T1 1.07 (386) 1.62 .95 (386) 1.50 1.01 (772) 1.56 .96 (40) 1.30 1.07 (28) 1.59 1.01 (68) 1.38 T2 1.99 (377) 1.79 1.96 (380) 1.81 1.97 (757) 1.80 2.79 (39) 1.93 2.03 (29) 1.65 2.47 (68) 1.76 T3 2.75 (286) 1.90 2.53 (288) 2.04 2.64 (574) 1.96 3.07 (33) 1.80 3.38 (27) 1.92 3.21 (60) 1.79 Group 2 T1 1.94 (350) 1.65 1.91 (368) 1.80 1.92 (718) 1.72 1.89 (43) 1.84 2.31 (27) 1.82 2.05 (70) 1.78 T2 2.33 (260) 1.81 2.26 (251) 1.97 2.30 (511) 1.88 2.98 (44) 2.18 3.26 (28) 1.75 3.09 (72) 1.96 T3 2.63 (256) 1.96 2.45 (234) 2.10 2.54 (490) 2.02 2.76 (44) 1.97 3.39 (28) 1.59 3.01 (72) 1.77 Total T1 1.49 (736) 1.69 1.42 (754) 1.72 1.45 (1490) 1.70 1.44 (83) 1.66 1.68 (55) 1.80 1.54 (138) 1.69 T2 2.13 (637) 1.80 2.08 (631) 1.88 2.11 (1268) 1.84 2.89 (83) 2.06 2.63 (57) 1.79 2.78 (140) 1.92 T3 2.70 (542) 1.93 2.49 (522) 2.07 2.60 (1064) 1.99 2.89 (77) 1.89 3.39 (55) 1.75 3.10 (132) 1.80 PA Group1 T1 1.32 (349) 1.68 2.00 (356) 1.92 1.66 (705) 1.80 1.90 (40) 1.58 2.61 (28) 1.55 2.19 (68) 1.52 T2 1.53 (377) 1.83 2.09 (380) 2.10 1.81 (757) 1.96 2.35 (39) 2.12 2.76 (29) 2.28 2.52 (68) 2.12 T3 1.15 (286) 1.75 2.01 (288) 2.09 1.58 (574) 1.91 2.47 (33) 2.29 2.16 (27) 2.26 2.33 (60) 2.20 Group 2 T1 1.45 (350) 1.89 2.01 (368) 2.19 1.74 (718) 2.04 1.74 (43) 2.15 2.35 (27) 2.54 1.98 (70) 2.23 T2 1.09 (260) 1.69 1.69 (251) 1.97 1.38 (511) 1.82 1.52 (44) 2.09 2.26 (28) 2.37 1.81 (72) 2.14 T3 .96 (256) 1.58 1.64 (234) 2.11 1.28 (490) 1.83 1.55 (44) 2.14 2.68 (28) 2.41 1.99 (72) 2.18 Total T1 1.38 (699) 1.79 2.00 (724) 2.06 1.70 (1423) 1.92 1.82 (83) 1.89 2.48 (55) 2.08 2.08 (138) 1.94 T2 1.35 (637) 1.79 1.93 (631) 2.05 1.64 (1268) 1.92 1.91 (83) 2.13 2.51 (57) 2.32 2.15 (140) 2.18 T3 1.06 (542) 1.79 1.84 (522) 2.11 1.26 (2064) 1.87 1.95 (77) 2.24 2.42 (55) 2.33 2.15 (132) 2.24

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Figure 1

Mean scores of HI across time according to family type

0  

0.5  

1  

1.5  

2  

2.5  

3  

3.5  

4  

4.5  

5  

T1   T2   T3  

Mea

n sc

ore

(± 1

SE

M)

Time

Separated Family

Intact Family

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Figure 2

Mean scores of ANX across time according to family type

0  

0.5  

1  

1.5  

2  

2.5  

3  

3.5  

T1   T2   T3  

Mea

n sc

ore

( ± 1

SE

M)

Time  

Separated Family

Intact Family

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Figure 3

Mean scores of PA across time according family type

0  

0.5  

1  

1.5  

2  

2.5  

T1   T2   T3  

Mea

n sc

ore

(± 1

SE

M)

Time

Separated Family

Intact Family

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Article 2

Child Adjustment Following Parental Separation: The Role of Maternal Well-

Being, Parenting Quality and Household Income

Abridged version of this article submitted to Journal of Child Custody

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Running head: PARENTAL SEPARATION AND RISK FACTORS FOR CHILDREN

Child Adjustment Following Parental Separation: The Role of Maternal

Well-Being, Parenting Quality and Household Income

Gessica Di Stefano and Francine Cyr

University of Montreal, Canada

The research described in this article was supported by grants from the Ministère de

la Justice du Québec and the Fonds Québécois de Recherche sur la Société et la

Culture. The authors wish to thank the Institut de la Statistique du Québec for

authorizing the use of the Quebec Longitudinal Study of Child Development data

for the purpose of this research. Special thanks go out to Miguel Chagnon for his

statistical support, and to Paul-Marie Huot for the creation of the family context

variables used in this study.

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Abstract

The objective of this study was to investigate whether it is parental separation per se

that predicts child vulnerabilities, or whether certain parental and environmental

factors can help explain this relationship. Participants were from the Quebec

Longitudinal Study of Child Development, and included 358 children who

experienced parental separation between birth and age 8, and 1065 children who

lived in consistently intact homes from birth to age 8. Results of the hierarchical

regressions demonstrated that parental separation was associated with higher levels

of hyperactivity/impulsivity in children over and beyond what was accounted for by

child gender, maternal symptoms of depression and anxiety, parenting quality and

household income. However, parental separation no longer predicted child anxiety

and physical aggression once the contribution of the parental and environmental

variables was taken into account. Results are discussed in terms of prevention and

intervention, and stress the importance of considering parental and environmental

factors as more predictive of certain child outcomes than parental separation per se.

Keywords: parental separation, divorce, risk factors, maternal depression, maternal

anxiety, parenting quality, household income

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Child Adjustment Following Parental Separation: The Role of Maternal Well-

Being, Parenting Quality and Household Income

Parental divorce and separation represent a growing reality that affects many

children worldwide. In Canada, it is predicted that 41% of marriages taking place in

2008 will have ended in divorce by 2035 (The Vanier Institute of the Family, 2011).

In Quebec, the estimated rate of divorce in 2008 was one marital breakup for two

marriages (Institut de la Statistique du Québec, 2011). In this province, it is

estimated that one in three children will face their parents’ separation by the time

they are eight years old, and these numbers include legal divorces as well as

dissolved common-law unions (Cyr, Di Stefano, Lavoie, & Chagnon, in press).

Variability in the Outcomes of Children Who Experience Separation

Previous research has shown that children who experience separation exhibit

significantly more internalizing and externalizing difficulties than children whose

parents remain together (Amato, 2001, 2010; Reifman, Villa, Amans, Reithinam, &

Telesca, 2001). However, in comparison to children of intact families, those whose

parents separate show a significantly higher variability in their behavioral and

psychological adjustment (Cheng, Dunn, O’Connor, & Golding, 2006; Painter &

Levine, 2000; Storksen, Roysamb, Holmen, & Tambs, 2006). For instance, it has

been suggested that while 80% of children from separated families do not

experience severe psychopathology, 20% of children do present with clinical levels

of distress (Greene, Anderson, Hetherington, Forgatch, & DeGarmo, 2003;

Hetherington, 2003). This represents the double of what is found in the general

population of children, but only a minority within the group of children from

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separated families. Therefore, if many children fare well following separation, it is

questionable whether it is separation per se that accounts for children’s difficulties,

or other risk factors that are associated to it. Since parental breakup does not only

involve consequences for children, but for parents as well, scholars are stressing the

necessity of exploring whether parental and environmental characteristics associated

to parental separation can help explain the difficulties encountered by children from

separated families (Amato, 2010; Ambert, 2009; Carobene & Cyr, 2006; Cyr &

Carobone, 2004). This type of research can have tremendous value in terms of

prevention and intervention, and would also clarify why not all children experience

difficulties following separation.

Risk Factors

Parental well-being. It is recognized in the research literature that parental

emotional health is related to child adjustment both in separated and intact families

(Sarigiani, Heath, & Camarena, 2003). Sarigiani and colleagues (2003) found that

children of depressed mothers or fathers had greater emotional and behavioral

difficulties in comparison to children who did not have a depressed parent. When

family type is considered, it has been suggested that separated or divorced parents

report higher levels of psychopathology in general, compared to parents who do not

separate (Buchanan, 2005; Hetherington & Kelly, 2002). Among other disorders,

higher levels of depression have been reported by separated parents than by non-

separated parents (Hope, Power, & Rodgers, 1999; Kelly, 2003; Wade & Cairney,

2000; Wood, Repetti, & Roesch, 2004).

This alteration of parental emotional health is believed to be temporary only;

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as time since separation increases, the resident parent becomes more sensitive to the

needs of the child again and develops a more competent and authoritative type of

parenting (Hetherington, 2003). However, this disruption of parental well-being

may occur during a critical period in the child’s development, a time where the child

needs the most consistent and warm support (Cyr & Carobene, 2004). In their

research, Wood and colleagues (2004) not only showed that depression was higher

in the group of separated mothers, but that it was also associated to post-separation

externalizing and internalizing problems in their children. In fact, some researchers

have shown that maternal depression is one of the important factors to consider

when studying child adjustment following parental separation. For instance, it was

found that controlling for maternal depression, among other variables, ruled out the

significant relationship that existed between parental separation and child

adjustment problems (Clarke-Stewart, Vandell, McCartney, Owen, & Booth, 2000).

Similarly, several researchers have demonstrated that the effects of parental divorce

on child adjustment are not significant once parental emotional problems are

controlled (Nomura, Wickramaratne, Warner, Mufson, & Weissman, 2002;

Pilowsky, Wickramaratne, Nomura, & Weissman, 2006; Storksen et al, 2006;

Vousoura, Verdeli, Warner, Wickramaratne, & Baily, 2011).

Parenting Quality. The quality of parenting is important to ensure the healthy

psychological adjustment of children, regardless of the family structure they grow

up in. In general, children need warm, supportive, and communicative parents who

are responsive to their needs, who firmly and consistently exercise control and

discipline and closely monitor their children's activities (Greene et al., 2003).

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Nevertheless, research has shown that separated and non-separated parents differ in

the quality of their parenting. The former group of parents invest less time in their

children, are less supportive, impose fewer regulations, are less efficient in

providing supervision, have a more authoritarian style of discipline, and have more

conflictual relationships with their children (Hetherington, 2003; Avenevoli, Sessa,

Steinberg, 1999; Demo & Acock, 1996).

The quality of parenting has been highlighted as playing a key role in either

protecting children from the negative consequences of separation, or making them

more vulnerable to experiencing difficulties (Hetherington, 2003). Authors argue

that when divorced parents provide their children with warmth, emotional support

and adequate monitoring and discipline, these children experience a positive

adjustment in comparison to children whose divorced parents are less attentive,

supportive, and use more coercive discipline (Amato, 2000; Krishnakumar &

Buehler, 2000). A study of 182 divorcing families with a child between the ages of

4 and 12 demonstrated that paternal and maternal warmth were significantly related

to lower child externalizing problems (Sandler, Miles, Cookston, & Braver, 2008).

Another showed that internalizing and externalizing problems in adolescents

following parental separation were correlated with more hostile and inconsistent

parenting, as well as with less parental supervision (Simons, Lin, Gordon, Conger,

& Lorenz, 1999). It has also been observed that children who experienced

separation and had mothers who applied firm parenting and adequate supervision

had fewer internalizing problems than children of separated mothers with an

authoritarian, neglectful or laisser-faire parenting style (Wolchik, Wilcox, Tein, &

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Sandler, 2000). These authors also showed that anxiety-provoking factors specific

to divorce were associated to higher levels of internalizing and externalizing

problems in children when mothers had low levels of consistency and warmth

(Wolchik et al., 2000).

According to some studies, the quality of parenting is considered more telling

of adjustment problems in children than the actual event of parental separation

(Capaldi & Patterson, 1991; Clarke-Stewart et al., 2000; Martinez & Forgatch,

2002). For instance, it has been shown that the quality of parenting explained a

greater proportion (6% to12%) of the variance in child adjustment than the number

of family transitions per se (3% to 7%; Martinez & Forgatch, 2002).

Socioeconomic status. The notion that socioeconomic status and child

adjustment are associated is well-established in the literature, with fewer emotional

and behavioral difficulties in children who live in higher income families (Bradley

& Corwyn, 2002; Carlson & Corcoran, 2001; Morris & Gennetian, 2003). Research

has shown that families experience a decrease in household income following

separation due to single parenting and one-job households. (Amato, 2001; Emery,

1999; Stanley & Fincham, 2002). In Quebec, despite the law of family patrimony in

the event of divorce, mothers normally end up with a lower income than fathers, yet

still obtain sole custody of the child more often than fathers do (Carobene & Cyr,

2006; Cyr, Di Stefano, Lavoie, & Chagnon, in press). The decrease in financial

resources has been proposed to lead to lesser levels of well-being in children after

separation (Amato, 2000). Emery (1999) suggested that when custodial mothers

have a higher income, the child has a better psychological adjustment than when

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custodial mothers earn a lower income. Let us add that economic stress brought on

by parental separation also leads to a series of life changes for children (e.g.,

moving to a new neighborhood, changing schools, loss of old friends), which can

further affect how they adapt to their new family context (Amato, 2000; Cyr &

Carobene, 2004).

Interrelated factors. The study of the factors that come into play following

parental separation is very complex because many of these factors are interrelated,

making it particularly difficult or even impossible to isolate single factors. For

instance, the psychological difficulties parents encounter after separation are

associated with less effective parenting (Pruett, Williams, Insabella, & Little, 2003;

Simons et al., 1999; Tein, Sandler, & Zautra, 2000). Specifically, a temporary

disruption of psychological functioning of the parent following the separation would

adversely affect parenting skills and reduce support and guidance offered to the

child (Cyr & Carobene, 2004). Furthermore, Hilton and Desrochers (2000)

demonstrated that the economic stress felt by mothers after separation interfered

with the quality of their parenting. Such studies highlight the multi-faceted and

convoluted paths that may lead to vulnerabilities in children who experience

separation. It is therefore important to include more than one risk factor variable in

any model which studies child adjustment following separation, as the consequences

for children can be due to a combination of factors and not solely to a single factor.

This Study

Overall differences between children of intact and separated families are

often emphasized, but there are likely other factors that confound the link between

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parental separation and child adjustment. Therefore, there is a need to step away

from the assumption that parental separation is directly associated with a lower level

of well-being in children, and to investigate the factors that help explain this

association. The objective of the present study was not to construct a complex

explicative model including all possible variables, but rather to examine specific

factors among these, or combinations of factors, which help explain the relationship

between parental separation and child outcomes. In this study, measures of

hyperactivity/impulsivity (HI) and physical aggression (PA) were used to assess

externalizing behaviors, and a measure of anxiety (ANX) was used to assess

internalizing behaviors. It was hypothesized that 8-year old children who had

previously experienced separation would exhibit higher levels of post-separation HI,

ANX, and PA in comparison to their counterparts in intact families. The second

hypothesis postulated that after accounting for post-separation maternal emotional

well-being, quality of parenting, and household income, parental separation would

no longer be a significant predictor of HI, ANX, and PA.

Method

Participants

Participants were from the Quebec Longitudinal Study of Child

Development (QLSCD, 1998-2006). The QLSCD includes a cohort of children born

from singleton births between October 1997 and July 1998 to mothers living in

Quebec (Jetté & Desgroseilliers, 2000). Those born in northern Quebec, the Cree

and Inuit territories, Indian reserves (2.1% of Quebec births) and those whose

pregnancy duration was unknown (1.3% of Quebec births) were excluded from the

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population targeted by the QLSCD. The sample was representative of all children

born in Quebec during this period, through a randomized, 3-level stratified survey

design. At Wave 1, the total original sample consisted of 2120 infants around five

months of age. Longitudinal follow-ups were carried out annually at ages 1.5 years

(Wave 2), 2.5 years (Wave 3), 3.5 years (Wave 4), 4 years (Wave 5), 5 years (Wave

6), 6 years (Wave 7), 7 years (Wave 8), 8 years (Wave 9).

The present study is a secondary analysis of the original QLSCD data, and

focuses on 8-year old children (Wave 9). In order to target our sample, a variable

identifying children’s family context at each wave of the QLSCD was created from

information gathered at annual follow-ups. This variable was recorded as “yes” or

“no” according to whether or not a parental separation had occurred since the

previous wave. By the time children were 8 years old, 358 had experienced parental

separation, while 1065 had lived in consistently intact homes between birth and age

8. Children whose parents never lived together or did not live together at the time of

their birth were excluded from the sample. Although many studies only include

children whose parents are legally divorced, this study included parental separations

of common law couples as well, as this represents an important reality in Quebec.

Procedure

In the original QLSCD, a letter of introduction and descriptive brochure

were sent to the target families according to the addresses selected from the Master

Birth Register. The main goals of these documents were to describe the general and

specific goals of the survey, to explain the important role parents would have in the

project, to clearly describe the time involved in the interviews, and to ensure parents

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of the data confidentiality. Families were contacted by telephone approximately two

weeks later to inquire about their interest in participating.

Following the recruitment period, interviews were carried out annually in the

home of participating families. For the purpose of the present study, only

information from Wave 9 was used, when children were 8 years old age. During the

annual visit, one or both parents were required to sign an informed consent form,

and then proceed to the Interviewer Completed Computerized Questionnaire

(ICCQ). The ICCQ3 involves a one-hour face-to-face structured interview,

completed in either English or French. Responses to questions were obtained from

the person most knowledgeable about the child (PMK) - the mother in more than

99% of cases (Morisset & Baillargeon, 2006). Mothers were also required to

complete the Self-Administered Questionnaire for the Mother (SAQM)4, a self-

report questionnaire, which takes approximately 20 minutes to fill out. Other

questionnaires and activities were carried out during these annual visits, but go

beyond the scope of our study and will thus not be described.

Measures

Behavior. The items which compose HI (6 items; α = .79 ), ANX (4 items; α

=.69) and PA (5 items; α = .76) subscales were derived from the Behavior scale of

the ICCQ (see Appendix A). This scale was created from items of the National

Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth (NLSCY) and also incorporates several

3 The topics covered in this interview refer to socio-demographic and socio-economic information, lifestyle and health status of parents, child temperament and behaviour, as well as motor and social development, family functioning, and parenting. 4 The topics covered in this questionnaire include previous pregnancies, difficulties in adolescence or in adulthood, emotional well-being, marital satisfaction, marital conflict, employment, and mother-child relationship.

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questionnaire items known in the field of child development: Child Behavior

Checklist (CBCL; Achenbach, Edelbrock, & Howell, 1987); Preschool Behavior

Questionnaire (PBQ; Behar & Stringfield, 1974; Fowler & Park, 1979); Social

Behavior Questionnaire (SBQ; Tremblay et al., 1991); Ontario Child Health Survey

(Boyle et al., 1987; Offord et al., 1987). Scales composed of almost identical HI and

PA items have previously shown good discriminant and predictive validity (Nagin

& Tremblay, 1999; Séguin, Nagin, Assaad, & Tremblay, 2004). The items that

compose the ANX scale are originally from the SBQ’s anxious behaviors scale

(Tremblay et al., 1991), which has been found to relate in theoretically consistent

ways to outcomes such as prosocial behavior (Pagani, Tremblay, Vitaro, Boulerice,

& McDuff, 2001).

Behaviors were rated by the PMK on a Likert scale assessing the frequency

(1 = never or not true; 2 = sometimes or somewhat true; 3 = often or very true) to

which the behaviors in question occurred. From these original ratings, the Institut de

la Statistique du Québec computed derivative variables for each behavior by using a

specific formula to transform the average scores into a standardized score ranging

from 0 to 10. Higher scores indicate more problematic behaviors, but do not

necessarily identify diagnosable disorders (Institut de la Statistique du Québec,

2001).

Quality of parenting. PMKs answered questions on the ICCQ depicting

four dimensions of parenting behaviors: positive parenting (5 items; α = .58),

consistent parenting (4 items; α = .72), coercive parenting (4 items; α = .64), and

intrusive parenting (4 items; α = .45) (see Appendix B). The items that make up

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each of these parenting scales were originally formulated for the NLSCY by

researchers from the Chedoke-McMaster Hospital (Institut de la Statistique du

Québec, 2001). Some of the items were also inspired by an adapted version of the

Parent Practices Scale (Strayhorn and Weidman, 1988).

Items were rated on a Likert scale assessing the frequency (1-5) to which the

parental behaviors in question occurred. Standardized scores ranging from 0 to 10

were computed by the Institut de la Statistique du Québec from the original ratings.

Higher scores for positive parenting indicate a higher frequency of positive

interactions between children and their parents, and higher scores for consistent

discipline refer a higher tendency to apply consistent discipline in response to

similar child behaviors. Higher scores for coercive parenting indicate a higher

frequency of negative interactions (e.g., parent raising her voice, getting angry,

applying corporal punishment as a reaction to difficult child behaviors). Finally,

higher scores for intrusive parenting refer to a higher tendency to tell children how

to behave and exactly what to do.

Maternal depressive symptoms. The presence of symptoms associated

with depression was measured on the SAQM (6 items, α = .77) at Wave 8 since the

scale assessing these symptoms was not available at Wave 9. These items (see

Appendix C) were originally derived from the 12-item abridged version of the

Center for Epidemiologic Studies-Depression Scale (CES-D; Radloff, 1977), which

has been found to have acceptable discriminant validity (Poulin, Hand and

Boudreau, 2005). Each item was rated on a Likert scale assessing the frequency (1-

4) to which a symptom occurred. The average score was then transformed into a

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standardized (0 to 10), with higher standardized scores indicating higher levels of

depressive symptoms, but not necessarily implying clinical depression (Institut de la

Statistique du Québec, 2001).

Maternal anxiety symptoms. The presence of symptoms associated with

anxiety was also measured on the SAQM (11 items; α = .87). These items (see

Appendix D) were formulated by Séguin and colleagues (2000), and were inspired

by DSM-IV criteria for anxiety disorders (Institut de la Statistique du Québec,

2004). Previous research has shown that this scale is related in a theoretically

coherent way to child difficulties such as separation anxiety and externalizing

behavior problems (Séguin et al., 1999). Each item was rated on a Likert scale

assessing the frequency (1-8) to which a symptom occurred, and average scores

were transformed into standardized scores (0 to 10). Higher standardized scores

indicate higher levels of anxiety symptoms but not necessarily the presence of a

diagnosable anxiety disorder.

Household income. The following item on the ICCQ was used to assess

household income: To your knowledge, which category best describes the total

income before taxes and deductions of all household members from all sources in

the past 12 months? Nine answer choices were originally offered to participants

spanning from “less than $10K” to “$80K or more”. These were regrouped into four

categories: 1) less than $30K; 2) $30K to less than $50K; 3) $50K to less than

$80K; 4) $80K and more.

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Results

Preliminary Analyses

The statistical analyses conducted in this study all used cross-sectional

weighed scores to control for the non-response rate and attrition throughout the

QLSCD, and to increase the representativeness of the results. The stratified design

of the QLSCD, however, was not taken into account. This design effect increases

the risk of falsely rejecting the null hypothesis, and underestimates the variance of

the parameters. In order to compensate for this limitation, a conservative alpha level

(α = .01) was used in all analyses.

Differences by family type. Results revealed a comparable number of boys

and girls in both intact and separated families (52% vs. 48%, p = .86). Non-

separated parents reported incomes over the $50K bracket significantly more

frequently than separated parents (78% vs. 43%), while separated parents reported

incomes below the $50K bracket significantly more frequently than non-separated

parents (57% vs. 23%), χ2 (3, N=1321) = 208.66, p < .001.

T-tests were carried out to compare intact and separated families on parental

emotional well-being, parenting quality and child behavior. Means and standard

deviations are presented in Table 1. In comparison to non-separated mothers,

separated mothers exhibited more elevated symptoms of depression, t (1169) = -

5.19, p < .001, and anxiety, t(1175) = -2.60, p < .01. Although separated and non-

separated mothers did not differ significantly on coercive (p = .20), intrusive (p =

.56), and consistent parenting (p = .26), a statistical trend indicated that positive

parenting was higher in intact families than in separated families (p = .04). Finally,

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results revealed that in comparison to children of intact families, children who

experienced separation exhibited significantly higher levels of HI, t (1349) = -6.48,

p < .001, ANX, t (1349) = -2.82, p < .01, and PA, t (1349) = -3.95, p < .001.

Variables linked to child behavior. Correlations were computed between

continuous dependent and independent variables and are presented in Table 2.

Maternal symptoms of depression and anxiety, as well as coercive parenting were

positively correlated to levels of child HI, ANX and PA. A negative correlation

was revealed between positive parenting and PA in children, whereas this type of

parenting was not significantly related to HI and ANX. Intrusive parenting was

positively associated with levels of HI and ANX in children, but not to levels of

PA, and consistent discipline was positively associated with levels of HI, ANX and

PA in children.

For categorical variables, a one-way ANOVA (α = .01) revealed that a

higher household income was associated with lower levels of HI, F (3, 1317) =

10.57, p < .001), and PA in children, F (3, 1317) = 4.98, p < .01, but it was not

significantly related to levels of ANX (p = .14). T-tests revealed that boys

exhibited significantly higher levels of HI, t (1349) = -6,011, p < .001, and PA, t

(1349) = -6,091, p < .001, in comparison to girls. Although not initially planned,

child gender was included in the regression models as it was identified as a

significant covariate.

Main Analyses

To determine if family type was significantly associated with child HI,

ANX and PA after accounting for the contribution of gender, maternal emotional

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well-being, parenting quality, and household income, 3 separate hierarchical

regression analyses were conducted. In each regression, child gender was entered

in the first step, while parental variables and household income were entered in the

second, and family type in the third.

The results of the hierarchical regression predicting HI are reported in Table

3. The overall model explained 21.1% of the total variance observed in HI, F (11,

987) = 23.90, p < .001. The results of step one were significant, indicating that

gender accounted for 3.70% of the variance in HI. That is, being a boy predicted

higher levels of HI. The second step also revealed significant results, and was

associated to a R² change 16.3%. Specifically, higher levels of maternal depression

and anxiety, and coercive parenting predicted higher levels of HI. The third step was

also significant and accounted for a R² change of 1.2% in the variance of HI. Results

indicated that being from a separated family was associated to higher levels of HI

over and above the variability contributed by the other variables.

The results of the hierarchical regression predicting ANX are presented in

Table 3, and revealed that the overall model was significantly predictive of the

dependent variable, explaining 12.9% of the variance observed in ANX, F (11, 976)

= 13.17, p < 0.001. The first step did not account for a significant portion of the

variance in ANX. Therefore, child gender was not significantly predictive of child

ANX. The model became significant in step 2, with its predictor variables

contributing to a R² change of 12.5%. Specifically, higher levels of maternal

depression and anxiety, coercive and intrusive parenting, and household income

were associated to higher levels of child ANX. The third block was associated to a

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R² change of .4% (p = .04) in the variance of ANX, and only represents a statistical

trend, where being from a separated family is predictive of higher levels of anxiety.

These results reveal that with this sample, maternal well-being, quality of parenting

and household income were the most predictive variables of child ANX, and that

family type did not contribute significantly to the dependent variable once the

contribution of these other variables was accounted for.

Finally, the regression’s overall model was predictive of PA, and explained

16.3% of the variance observed in PA, F (11, 976) = 17.26, p < 0.001). The first

step was significant and accounted for 3.70% of the variance in PA, indicating that

being a boy was significantly more predictive of PA in comparison to being a girl

(see Table 3). The second step was also significant and associated to a R² change of

12.4%. Higher levels of maternal depression and coercive parenting were predictive

of childhood PA. In addition, a statistical trend was revealed where intrusive

parenting was negatively associated to levels of aggression in children. The third

step did not account for a significant R² change in PA. These results indicate that

family type was not associated with PA once the contribution of the other predictors

was taken into account.

Discussion

The current research advances our understanding of the aspects in the

parental and family environment, which are associated with child well-being

following parental separation. The goal of this study was twofold. First, we sought

to examine whether 8 year-old children who experienced separation exhibited

higher post-separation levels of hyperactivity/impulsivity, anxiety, and physical

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aggression in comparison to their counterparts in intact families. Second, we

explored whether separation would still be related to child difficulties after

accounting for the contribution of child gender, post-separation maternal emotional

well-being, quality of parenting, and household income in child adjustment.

It is well documented in the literature that children who experience

separation are more likely than children of intact families to experience emotional

and behavioral difficulties (Amato, 2000, 2001, 2010; Breivik & Olweus, 2006;

Greene et al., 2003). The current study supports such findings, thus confirming the

first hypothesis. However, this group comparison is rather simplistic as it does not

take into account the many other factors that come into play following separation,

and that can potentially predict how children adjust to separation.

On further investigation, findings revealed that being from a separated

family was associated with higher levels of hyperactivity/impulsivity over and

beyond what was accounted for by child gender, maternal emotional well-being,

quality of parenting and household income. That is, although some of these

variables were related to children’s hyperactivity/impulsivity, accounting for these

did not eliminate the relationship between parental separation and hyperactivity/

impulsivity. These results do not support the second hypothesis of the study, and are

similar to those of Cheng and colleagues (2006), who explored conduct problems,

emotional symptoms, hyperactivity, peer problems and prosocial behavior in

children between ages 4 and 7 following separation. After taking into account

parental and environmental variables similar to ours, they still found pre- to post-

divorce increases in children’s emotional and behavioral difficulties. Similarly, our

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results are in line with research by Storksen and colleagues (2006), which

demonstrated that the effect of divorce on adolescent well-being was still significant

after controlling for parental symptoms of anxiety and depression. On the flip side,

our results do not fit well with another study which found that once maternal

income, education, ethnicity, child-rearing beliefs, depressive symptoms and

behaviors were controlled, the effects of family structure on child adjustment (i.e.,

cognitive and social functioning, internalizing and externalizing behaviors,

attachment to the mother, and positive and negative behavior with mother) were

completely ruled out (Clarke-Stewart et al., 2000).

Conversely, the results of the current study did show that mothers’ more

frequent symptoms of anxiety and depression, lower quality of parenting (i.e., more

intrusive and coercive parenting), and higher household income were not only risk

factors for child anxiety, but were more important factors to consider than parental

separation per se in predicting child anxiety. It is somewhat surprising that higher

income levels were shown to be, in combination with the other variables, predictive

of childhood anxiety. Perhaps, a higher income in separated families means that

mothers work more, are less present, more stressed and anxious. Therefore, when a

higher income is combined with maternal emotional health difficulties and poor

parenting practices, this may relate to higher levels of anxiety in children. Finally,

the results for physical aggression revealed that being a boy, and having a mother

with higher levels of depressive symptoms and a lower quality of parenting (i.e.,

more coercive parenting) are better predictors of childhood aggression than parental

separation per se, which was no longer associated with aggression when the

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contribution of these other variables was accounted for.

For child anxiety and aggression, the second hypothesis of the present study

was supported. Findings are in line with those of Clarke-Stewart and colleagues

(2000), which demonstrated that parental separation was no longer associated with

childhood outcomes when parental and environmental variables were controlled.

Our results are also consistent with those of Whiteside and Becker’s (2000) meta-

analysis of 12 studies, which demonstrated that within divorced families, child

behavior problems were predicted by maternal depressive symptoms and quality of

parenting. Pruett and colleagues (2003) furthered such a finding, by demonstrating

that divorced parents’ symptomatology influenced child behavioral outcomes

through the negative changes in the quality of their parenting. It is important for

research to focus on maternal variables such as emotional well-being and parenting

quality because mothers most often obtain sole custody of their children, leading to

the pressures of single parenting, and possibly placing children at a greater risk (Cyr

et al., in press).

Although not the primary focus of the present study, preliminary analyses

examined whether mothers from intact and separated families differed in terms of

their emotional health. In line with many studies having explored emotional well-

being in separated and non-separated parents (Buchanan, 2005; Cyr et al., in press;

Hetherington & Kelly, 2002; Wood et al., 2004), our results revealed that separated

mothers exhibited significantly higher levels of depression and anxiety symptoms

than mothers from intact families. Since these maternal emotional health variables

were included in the group of variables that were the best predictors of anxiety and

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physical aggression in children, this might suggest that children who experience

separation are at an increased risk of exhibiting difficulties, because they may be

more likely than children of intact families to be exposed to a parent’s emotional

difficulties. This remains a possibility as it was not formally tested in the present

research, but would fit well with the results of Wood et al. (2004), which

demonstrated that the association between divorce and child problems was partially

mediated through depressive and withdrawn parenting. What was shown in our

study is that parental separation no longer predicted child anxiety and aggression

when parental well-being, among other variables, was taken into consideration, thus

suggesting that the difficulties of children who exerience separation are partly

related to parents’ psychological difficulties.

However, our preliminary analyses did not reveal any significant differences

in the quality of parenting of separated and non-separated mothers, except for a

statistical trend demonstrating slightly higher levels of positive parenting in non-

separated mothers. These null findings are inconsistent with the conclusion reached

by many authors that parental capacity diminishes following separation (Avenevoli

et al., 1999; Bryner, 2001; Demo & Acock, 1996; Hetherington, 2003, 2006).

Research shows that this deterioration in parenting is mostly observed in the period

immediately following parental separation, and that parenting improves again after

the first year following separation (Hetherington & Kelly, 2002). This study did not

account for time elapsed since separation, and so it is possible that when children

reached age 8, most mothers had regained a good quality of parenting. Nevertheless,

among the parenting variables explored, coercive and⁄or intrusive parenting were

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included in the group of variables that were better predictors of child anxiety and

physical aggression than parental separation. Therefore, whether or not separated

and non-separated mothers differ statistically with regards to parenting quality, this

variable remains a key factor in the outcome of the children. That is to say that even

if it is only a minority of separated mothers who have poor parenting skills, the

quality of this parenting, along with other variables, remains important in explaining

the difficulties of children who experience separation.

Noteworthy is that with the sample of this study, consistent parenting was

not correlated to child behaviors in the expected direction. Research shows that

regardless of family type, a higher level of consistency in parenting enhances

children’s sense of the predictability of their environments and promotes well-being

(Kliewer, Sandler, & Wolchik, 1994; Parkes, 1984). Perhaps the unexpected

positive correlation found in the current study is partly due to how mothers

interpreted the items they responded to. For instance, mothers who have children

who are more hyperactive/impulsive are likely to find themselves disciplining or

punishing their child more often than mothers who have a calmer child, and may

have interpreted the questions in terms of the frequency of discipline rather than the

consistency of it. It is also possible that mothers who are very strict scored higher on

this scale, and that this can be related to child difficulties.

Moreover, the lack of a significant correlation between positive parenting

and child adjustment is counter-intuitive, and goes against studies having shown

that in all type of families, children who have warm and positive relationships with

their mothers have higher levels of well-being than children who do not have such

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relationships with their mothers (Hetherington, 2003). Our results may partly be due

to the self-report nature of the questionnaires and social desirability bias. Regardless

of their children’s behaviors, mothers are likely to report that they often talk, play,

or do special activities with their child.

The positive and consistent parenting variables were not included in the

group of variables that significantly predicted child adjustment, and therefore could

not explain the association between separation and child difficulties. This is

inconsistent with studies demonstrating that maternal warmth and consistency

buffer the relationship between divorce stressors and children’s internalizing and

externalizing problems (Wolchik et al., 2000). However, our results still showed

that a higher quality of parenting (i.e., less coercive and intrusive parenting) was

associated to fewer difficulties in children, and helped explain the link between

separation and child adjustment. A possible explanation is that the QLSCD items on

the coercive and intrusive parenting scales were better measures of parenting quality

than the items on the positive and consistent parenting scales. In other words, a

measure of “less bad” parenting was perhaps more accurate than a measure of

“more good” parenting.

In addition, the various parenting scales only included a few indicators of

parenting behaviors, and cannot be considered complete measures. The internal

consistency of some of these scales was questionable, and could have led to many of

these unexpected results, or lack thereof. For example, the statistical trend

demonstrating a negative relationship between intrusive parenting and aggression in

the regression model goes against studies showing a positive association between

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controlling parenting and child aggression (Joussemet et al., 2008). This unexpected

result is possibly due to the poorly constructed measure of intrusive parenting.

Taken together, the results of the present study suggest that parental

variables are more telling of childhood anxiety and physical aggression than

parental separation itself. Therefore, the difficulties experienced by children from

separated families are likely related to risk factors such as parental well-being and

quality of parenting. Since separation likely affects such variables, it may be a

question of the degree of dysfunction or disturbance brought on by parental

separation, rather than just its occurrence. The results for hyperactivity/ impulsivity

either suggest that parental separation does place children at a greater disadvantage,

or that there are other variables related to separation, which were not explored in

this research (e.g., interparental conflict) that better explain why this problematic

behavior remained associated to separation. Although parental separation remained

a significant predictor of hyperactivity/impulsivity after accounting for other

variables, this contribution was very small (1.2%). Therefore, we can interpret this

as an increased vulnerability in children who experience parental separation, but

cannot state that separation leads to severe or even moderate problems in children. It

is also important to consider hyperactivity and impulsivity as more visible

manifestations than anxiety of how children are affected by the separation, leading

to such behaviors being more frequently noticed and reported. One might think that

such is the case for physical aggression, but the latter variable was based on

behaviors towards peers. Parents are possibly less likely to be aware of such

behaviors as they mostly occur in school. Furthermore, in this study, the items on

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aggression are indicators of more disturbed behaviors (e.g., fighting with, hitting,

biting, attacking, kicking others). Children who experience parental separation are

perhaps less likely to act out their feelings and emotions in this way, unless they are

more severely disturbed, which may correspond to a minority of children, in turn

leading to non-significant results. Importantly, parents may also be less likely to

report such behaviors due to their negative connotation.

The findings of the current study are valuable as they help identify the risk

factors, which contribute to child adjustment following parental separation.

However, a discussion of several limitations is important. First, the design of our

study does not allow us to infer the causal influence of parental separation on

parental, environmental and child variables, but it does clarify the factors that are

associated with child well-being, and important to consider when discussing post-

separation adjustment. Furthermore, this study did not control for pre-separation

child difficulties, which have been shown by some researchers to already be higher

in children whose parents eventually separate, and to fully explain their post-

separation difficulties (Sun, 2001; Sun & Li, 2001). Perhaps, the inclusion of this

variable in the regression model would have buffered the relationship between

parental separation and child hyperactivity/ impulsivity, which remained even after

accounting for other parental and environmental variables. However, a previous

study having used a sample of the QLSCD population found that children of

separated and intact families did not differ in their levels of pre-separation

hyperactivity, but consecutively did following separation (Di Stefano & Cyr, 2013).

Furthermore, this study could not include an inter-parental conflict variable

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in the regression model, as such a variable was poorly constructed and only

available for children who experience separation. Research has repeatedly identified

inter-parental conflict as a significant risk factor for children with divorced parents,

which contributes to a lesser well-being after separation (Clarke-Stewart et al.,

2000; Hanson, 1999; Kelly, 2000; Noller et al., 2008; Simons et al., 1999;

Whiteside & Becker, 2000). Finally, the present study did not consider the child’s

age at the time of separation, nor the time elapsed since separation. Although the

study by Di Stefano and Cyr (2013) did not reveal any age differences in children’s

pre- and post-separation outcomes, it may have been helpful in this study to account

for time elapsed since separation since this variable could have made a difference in

terms of parent and child adjustment (Hetherington, 2003).

In conclusion, it has been argued that the family is the most powerful

context for optimal child development (Power, 2004). This study has shown that

regardless of family type, mothers who practice poor parenting and experience

emotional health problems are at increased risk of having a child with emotional or

behavioral problems, and that these variables are involved in children’s post-

separation outcomes. These findings clarify some of the key aspects that parents and

practitioners should focus on in helping children cope with parental divorce and

separation. Intervention should target the improvement of mothers’ coping skills

and emotional health, as well as the education of mothers on the importance of

practicing good parenting. Our findings have implications for promoting the

functioning of a group of at-risk youth who not only experience parental separation,

but who may experience a deterioration of their parents’ emotional health and

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parenting skills. Knowledge derived from the results of this study can help to target

and prioritize this at-risk group in the development of psychological services.

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Table 1

Means (M) and standard deviations (SD) for parent and child variables by family type

Intact Family

Separated Family

Variable N M SD N M

SD

Parent

Maternal Depression 889 1.06 1.31 282 1.56 1.70

Maternal Anxiety 899 1.37 1.20 278 1.59 1.34

Coercive Parenting 993 1.83 1.03 357 1.92 1.12

Positive Parenting 993 5.98 1.29 358 5.82 1.31

Intrusive Parenting 969 4.01 1.97 342 4.09 1.93

Consistent Discipline 980 2.85 1.67 354 2.97 1.69

Child

Hyperactivity/impulsivity 993 3.11 2.08 358 3.97 2.33

Anxiety 993 2.64 2.02 358 2.99 2.01

Physical Aggression 993 1.40 1.94 358 1.90 2.32

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Table 2

Correlations between parent and child variables

Variable

Hyperactivity/

Impulsivity

Anxiety

Physical

Aggression

Maternal Depression

.23 ***

.21 ***

.18 ***

Maternal Anxiety .21 *** .27 *** .12 ***

Coercive Parenting .33 *** .21 *** .31 ***

Positive Parenting - .04 - .05 - .08 **

Intrusive Parenting .15 *** .20 *** .02

Consistent Discipline .14 *** .11 *** .08 **

*p < .05. ** p < .01. *** p < .001

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Table 3 Summary of Hierarchical Regression Analyses Evaluating Predictors of HI, ANX, and PA

Measures R2 ΔR2 ΔF df β HI Step 1 .04 .04 38.34*** 1, 985 Child Gender .19*** Step 2 .20 .16 22.14*** 9, 976

Maternal Depressive Sx .14*** Maternal Anxiety Sx .10** Positive Parenting .01

Consistent Parenting .05

Coercive Parenting .26*** Intrusive Parenting .04

Household Income -.13

Step 3 .21 .01 14.56*** 1, 975

Family Type .12*** ANX

Step 1 < .01 < .01 .86 1, 985

Child Gender -.03

Step 2 .13 .13 15.49*** 9, 976

Maternal Depressive Sx .10** Maternal Anxiety Sx .18*** Positive Parenting -.01

Consistent Parenting < -.01

Coercive Parenting .12*** Intrusive Parenting .16*** Household Income .15**

Step 3 .13 < .01 4.07 1, 975

Family Type .07* PA

Step 1 .04 .04 38.18*** 1, 985

Child Gender .19*** Step 2 .16 .12 15.99*** 9, 976

Maternal Depressive Sx .11** Maternal Anxiety Sx .03

Positive Parenting -.01

Consistent Parenting .03

Coercive Parenting .30*** Intrusive Parenting -.06* Household Income -.11

Step 3 .16 < .01 2.27

Family Type .05

*p  <  .05.  **  p  <  .01.  ***  p  <  .001

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Conclusion

The present doctoral thesis and the two articles that it comprises aimed at

expanding our understanding of children’s adjustment to parental separation. Our

approach first consisted in establishing a portrait of children from separated families

over time. This objective was carried out while investigating if and how child

characteristics such as gender and age at the time of separation made a difference in

child well-being at various time points. Once this initial description was drawn up,

we proceeded to further our knowledge, this time by exploring the contribution of

various parental and environmental characteristics in children’s adjustment, and re-

assessing the role of parental separation once these other risk factors were

accounted for.

In addition to offering a longitudinal perspective of child adjustment to

parental separation, this research has also allowed us to study the specificity of the

outcomes of separation rather than the overall differences often described between

children of intact and separated families. Our research was based on the premise

that there are specific child, parent and environmental characteristics, which are

better predictors of child well-being than parental separation per se, and which

clarify why only some children experience significant difficulties following their

parents’ breakup while many adjust similarly to their counterparts in intact families.

In the final section of this thesis, the specific contributions and limitations of

our research are discussed. Furthermore, the future research avenues and

implications for practice that emerge from our studies are highlighted.

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Contributions of the studies

With its primary objective to compare children of intact and separated

families across time, the first study sought to clarify the inconclusive findings of

previous research regarding the role of child gender and age at the time of

separation in children’s behavioral and emotional outcomes over time. This first

article confirmed that some child difficulties, such physical aggression, are already

present before separation occurs, and thus account for a portion of the problems

children experience after their parents separate. That is, children who experienced

separation were found to be more aggressive than children of intact families

irrespective of time, and the event of separation was not associated with a further

symptom increase. Potentially fitting well with these findings, the perspective of

“divorce selection” postulates that a dysfunctional pre-separation family

environment (e.g., marital discord) not only increases the risk for child difficulties,

but for parental separation as well (Amato, 2010). In contrast, our findings revealed

that difficulties such as hyperactivity/impulsivity and anxiety were higher after

parental breakup for children who experienced separation, but not before. Such a

result supports the perspective of “divorce causation”, which suggests that

separation leads to many consequences and changes for parents and their children

(e.g., loss of meaningful relationships, decreased parental mental health, changing

residences, changing schools), which consequently lead to adjustment difficulties in

children (Amato, 2010).

Therefore, our results suggest that an externalizing behavior such as

hyperactivity/impulsivity may be influenced by the event of parental separation, or

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at least by other factors associated to it, whereas another externalizing behavior such

as physical aggression is likely influenced by the pre-separation environment (e.g.,

increased interparental conflict), and remains consistently higher even after parents

separate. Furthermore, it is possible that the increase in anxiety following separation

is also played out through more hyperactive and impulsive behaviors, leading

parents to report hyperactivity and impulsivity more often than aggressive behavior.

The results obtained in this first study also add weight to the argument that

separation has long-lasting effects on children, as children who experienced

separation were shown to be more hyperactive/impulsive, anxious and aggressive

than children from continuously intact homes two to four years following parental

separation (T3). Moreover, since age and gender were not found to interact with

family type in predicting child outcomes, our findings confirmed that children

younger than six years old at the time of their parents’ separation adjust similarly

before and after separation, and that gender does not play a significant role in this

adjustment. The subdivision of children who experienced separation before age six

into two age groups represents an important contribution because there is very little

research focusing on this younger group of children and investigating their

adjustment overtime.

Taken together, the conclusions of our first paper are that pre-separation

difficulties may account for some, but not all of the post-separation outcomes

observed in children, and that these children experience long-lasting difficulties

after separation beyond the 2-year crisis period often described in the literature.

Furthermore, different behaviors may evolve differently across time, but child

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characteristics such as age and gender do not lead to differences in how children

adjust over time to parental separation. These two variables were thus not identified

as risk factors in terms of child adjustment after separation. This led us to our

second study, which explored whether parental separation remained associated to

child difficulties after accounting for the contribution of post-separation parental

and environmental factors in child well-being.

As opposed to many studies in this field, our second study focused on a

comprehensive assessment of the various factors that come into play following

parental separation, rather than on a partial study of isolated variables. Our results

supported the assumption that parental separation is a complex process, and not a

single event with simple and direct effects on children. By studying the

simultaneous contribution of several variables, which have been identified as being

related to both parental separation and child adjustment, our findings revealed that

after controlling for child gender, post-separation maternal symptoms of anxiety and

depression, and quality of parenting were more important variables, and predicted

children’s levels of anxiety and physical aggression more so, than parental

separation. These findings suggest that it is only through a perspective of indirect

links between separation and child well-being that we can better understand why

children encounter difficulties after separation. Our work, and our analyses

represent but a first empirical step toward achieving a clearer understanding of the

mechanisms through which parental separation is associated with child difficulties.

In this second study, however, parental separation remained associated with

hyperactive and impulsive behaviors over and beyond what parental and

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environmental factors accounted for, once again supporting that the event of

parental separation is predictive of hyperactivity/impulsivity outcomes. It is

interesting that in both studies, hyperactivity/impulsivity remained higher for

children of separated families irrespective of the various risk factors explored.

Again, in this case it may be that hyperactive/impulsive behaviors are more visible,

and thus more frequently noticed and reported than internalizing difficulties. In

addition, it is possible that children are playing out their anxiety through more

physical behaviors that resemble hyperactivity and impulsivity. The lack of

precision and very few items included in the scales of the current study could have

resulted in parents scoring their child’s behavior as hyperactivity/impulsivity rather

than anxiety, possibly leading to amplified hyperactivity/impulsivity scores.

Nevertheless, one needs to be mindful that hyperactivity and impulsivity are

perhaps behaviors, which are more sensitive to parental separation or to other

factors associated to it. Therefore, it may become important to consider the family

environment resulting from parental separation as a contributing factor to

hyperactive and impulsive behaviors. For instance, it is worth asking ourselves

whether family stress can lead to more physical agitation in children?

Limitations of the studies

Despite the undeniably interesting results emerging from the present

research, it is important to highlight its limitations to allow a well-balanced

interpretation of the findings. A first limitation of this research pertains to the

information gathered in the QLSCD. Although it includes an abundance of pertinent

data based on a representative provincial sample, the design and objectives of the

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QLSCD often did not correspond with ours, and thus, information was not collected

to specifically answer our questions. Certain important variables, which were

needed for a comprehensive assessment of child adjustment as a function of specific

factors relevant to parental separation, were often not available. It was therefore

necessary to reject some of our initial research questions as these could not be

answered with the available data. For this reason, the role of interparental conflict in

post-separation child adjustment could not be explored. This represents an important

limitation as this variable is recognized as one of the best predictors of child

difficulties following marital dissolution (Kelly, 2012).

A second shortcoming refers to the child’s mother being the primary

respondent to the various items used in our studies. The assessment of the child's

behavior may have been colored by this parent’s own characteristics. None of the

data analyzed in this thesis was provided by fathers primarily because the

instruction of the self-administered questionnaire to the father (SAQF) indicated

that the survey items could be answered either by the father of the child, or by the

mother’s new partner. This issue would have significantly reduced the number of

father ratings that would have been included in our analyses. We therefore lack the

perspective of the father in all of the variables investigated, and we are unaware of

how his own characteristics and involvement relate to child difficulties. It is known

that the father’s involvement and quality of parenting influence child adjustment

following parental separation, and even buffer the effects of other risk factors on

child well-being (Carlson, 2006; Sandler, Miles, Cookston, & Braver, 2008). It is

possible for instance that in our regression analyses, low positive parenting was not

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associated to child well-being because many children compensated for it by having

a positive relationship with their father.

In addition, the manner in which the samples of both studies were selected

involves some limitations. Parental separation was treated as a single event, and

children were assigned to groups according to the first parental separation they

experienced. In other words, the separated group of children in this research

experienced at least one parental separation, but subsequent separations were not

taken into consideration. The statistical analyses in this study would not have been

possible or accurate if we had tried to take into account all of the family transitions

experienced by each child because this would have led to very small group sizes,

which in turn would have invalidated the analyses. Parental separation creates the

possibility for future parental cohabitations, remarriages, as well as subsequent

separations, which can each have repercussions on children’s lives and well-being.

The number of family transitions, and hence degree of instability children are

exposed to, may be a more exact predictor of the difficulties they encounter than is

the single event of parental separation. The importance of family transitions has

been supported by studies, which have found that a higher number of transitions is

associated with more behavioral, psychological and academic problems in children

(Cavanagh & Huston, 2006; Fomby & Cherlin, 2007; Hill Yeung, & Duncan, 2001;

Martinez & Forgatch, 2002; Osborne & McLanahan, 2007). It is possible that our

regression results failed to reveal family type as a predictor of child anxiety and

aggression because the family type variable lacked precision and was confounded

by the number of family transitions. That is, children from separated families who

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experienced more family transitions may have encountered more difficulties than

those who experienced stability following the initial parental breakup. The

cumulative stress theory supports such a hypothesis as it postulates that the

adjustment difficulties of children are attributed to the accumulation of stress

generating events associated to parental separation, rather than the single event of

separation (Carobene & Cyr, 2006).

Moreover, the lack of continuity from one wave of the QLSCD to the next

restricted the design of our study. More specifically, certain variables were not

measured at every time point, making it difficult to assess specific factors related to

parental separation at different times of measurement. In exploring our objectives,

we were therefore limited to targeting specific time points at which data were

available, consequently sometimes losing sight of the changes that may have

occurred across time. This shortcoming was one of the factors, which led to the use

of a cross-sectional design in our second study, which tested at one given time the

contribution of various risk factors to child adjustment. This limitation results in a

narrow and static view of the role of these risk factors rather than one, which is

constantly changing. It is possible, for instance, as was demonstrated by Connell

and Goodman (2002), that younger children are more affected by their mother’s

emotional health than are older children who have access to more resources such as

friends and teachers. In the event of separation, the role of certain risk factors may

be time- or age-specific.

Furthermore, the statistical methods used limit the causal inferences that can

be made between child well-being and the other variables explored. The analyses of

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covariance do not clearly identify separation as the cause of any of the differences

observed between children of intact and separated families at any given time point.

Further, the relationships observed in the regression analyses were based on co-

variations, which neither infer a cause-and-effect relationship, nor the direction of

the relationship. For instance, it is possible that being an anxious child leads parents

to being more depressed or anxious themselves and practicing more intrusive

parenting, instead of the other way around. Even with the use of several control

variables, we are unable to reach conclusions about causation because it is not

possible to measure and statistically control for all relevant variables. For example,

physical aggression was no longer associated to parental separation after controlling

for certain child, parental and contextual variables, but these variables do not fully

explain the association between separation and child adjustment, as there are a

myriad of other factors that can explain this relationship.

Finally, the generalization of the results in this thesis may be limited. Both

our studies were based on an initially representative sample of Quebec children born

in 1997-1998, but the longitudinal nature of the QLSCD naturally led to attrition

throughout the years, likely causing the representativeness of the data to have

decreased overtime. To counter the issue of attrition, and to control for non-

response rates, the QLSCD provides longitudinal and cross-sectional weighted

scores to adjust the scores used in analyses. It is also recommended that the effects

of the survey sampling be taken into consideration, as it has been shown with the

QLSCD population to increase the risk of falsely rejecting the null hypothesis, and

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to underestimate the variance of the parameters (Belleau, Tétreault, Courtemanche,

& Desrosiers, 2010).

In our first study, it was not possible to correct for neither of these effects.

Although the main goal was to estimate and compare group means across time,

longitudinal weighted scores could not be used because the times of measurement

chosen to answer our research questions were relative to the event of parental

separation and to the age of the child at the time of separation. For instance, pre-

separation corresponded to Wave 3 of the QLSCD for children who experienced

separation between ages 2 and 4, but to Wave 5 for those who experienced it

between ages 4 and 6. Therefore, it was not possible to select a single weighted

score from a given wave of the QLSCD. A further limitation resulting from the use

of different time points for both age groups lies in the fact that the effect of time

could have been confounded by time-specific events that may have possibly led

children in both age groups to differ, consequently confounding the relationships

being explored.

Since our second study focused on the relationship between variables at

Wave 9 of the QLSCD, it was appropriate to use the cross-sectional weighed scores

available at this specific time-point. However, a more conservative alpha level (α =

.01) was used in order to account for the bias created by the sampling design of the

QLSCD, and to increase the generalization of our results as much as possible. This

conservative alpha was not used in the first study mainly because our analyses were

based on a convenience sample rather than a representative one, resulting in a case-

control study where an alpha of .05 is the norm.

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Future Research Avenues

The results and limitations of the studies included in this thesis allow

suggestions to be made for future research, which would aim to better understand

the process of child adjustment after parental separation, and to address certain

methodological shortcomings.

As was revealed in our second study, focusing on the average effects of

separation masks the variability that exists in child adjustment. Future studies must

continue to focus on the heterogeneity of outcomes among children and parents who

experience separation. To do this, larger scope studies in which the links and

interactions between parental separation and other factors known to influence child

adjustment are necessary. Indeed, the contribution of various protective and

resilience factors was explored in this thesis, but there remain other important

aspects to investigate, such as interparental conflict, parent-child relationships, loss

of important relationships, cohabitation and remarriage, which are all known to

influence, to varying degrees, child well-being following separation (Kelly, 2012).

By investigating the relative contribution of these variables, and eventually studying

the mechanisms through which parental separation relates to child adjustment (e.g.,

mediation, moderation), a clearer and more comprehensive understanding of the

variability observed in children from separated families will emerge.

Post-separation conflict between parents can be a challenging variable to

explore because this information is often only available for separated families.

Therefore, it can be complex to include it in a regression model like the one in our

second study, which accounted for the role of certain risk factors in child well-

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being, and then investigated the relationship between family type and child well-

being. When information about interparental conflict is also available for intact

families, it is questionable whether it refers to the same type of conflict as the one in

experienced separated families. In separated families, conflict is probably centered

on issues pertaining to the separation or custody arrangement, while in intact

families, conflict may be related to other factors. Thus, the impact of both types of

conflict on children may differ. One way to counter this challenge would be to

create high- and low-conflict groups of children from separated families, and then

investigate whether accounting for variables such as parental practices and

emotional health eliminates the differences between both groups of children. Such a

finding would add weight to studies showing that specific variables protect children

from the negative impact of interparental conflict in divorce situations (Sandler et

al., 2008).

Furthermore, there would be a great deal of potential for future research to

explore the multiple-transition perspective. This represents a relatively new way of

thinking about family structure, and it would be extremely useful to know whether

the number of family transitions is a more precise indicator of child well-being that

is parental separation. Cohabitations, remarriages, blended families, and subsequent

separations are all stressful for children as these represent major changes and

sources of instability in their lives. However, these transitions are not all equally

stressful. For instance, transitions such as cohabitation and maternal dating have

been shown to have more negative effects on children than remarriage (Beck,

Cooper, McLanahan, & Brooks-Gunn, 2010). Furthermore, remarriage has been

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associated with a lower risk of child difficulties when the relationship with the

stepparent is good (White & Gilbreth, 2001). Therefore, in addition to clarifying the

differing consequences of these various types of transitions, it is also important to

take into account other factors such as child-stepparent relationships, biological

parent involvement, and maternal well-being. These aspects of family life can

interact with family transitions, in turn complicating the reality of children who

experience these transitions, and explaining the diversity of outcomes observed in

these children (Johnson & Wu, 2002; White & Gilbreth, 2002). The challenge in

taking into account all of these aspects, and following children and families through

their individual paths is enormous. It is incredibly difficult for researchers to

distinguish the effects of separation from the effects of subsequent family transitions

on child well-being. These factors are continuously evolving, and difficult to track

overtime, potentially leading to small sample sizes and lack of statistical power.

By taking into consideration all of the important variables mentioned thus

far, it would be interesting to propose and statistically validate a complex and more

elaborate explanatory model than was possible in the present research. Such a model

would not only further our knowledge on the risk and resilience factors associated to

parental separation and child well-being, but it would also describe the associations

between each of the risk factors. Understanding who is most likely to be affected by

parental separation will lead to more effective and targeted interventions for

vulnerable children.

Future studies should also address the issue of self-report questionnaires,

often completed by mothers who report their subjective view of their child’s

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behavior. Child behavior rated by a depressed mother is likely tainted by her own

difficulties, creating bias in results. Since maternal depression is more common in

separated mothers than in married ones, additional caution is needed with this

population. More objective measures would allow for more accurate ratings. It can

also be beneficial to increase the number of information sources, for example by

having teachers, fathers and mothers complete questionnaires, and verifying the

consistency of their ratings. Having more than one respondent can be costly, and

more difficult to report and analyze for researchers, which is why many limit

themselves to maternal ratings. It is worth asking ourselves whether mothers are

truly more likely than fathers to want to participate in studies, or whether fathers are

not invited to participate as often as are mothers, as some research suggests (e.g.,

Phares, Fields, Kamboukos, & Lopez, 2005). Although today’s fathers are more

involved in their children’s lives than their own fathers may have been in theirs, it

remains a possibility that even when they are solicited to participate, they have less

information to share about their child in comparison to mothers, in turn limiting

their interest and ability to participate. This challenge is likely even larger in

separated families than in intact ones.

Further, it is imperative for research to investigate the role of paternal

involvement in children’s lives after separation. Authors have suggested that a good

and caring relationship with at least one parent can attenuate the negative effects of

parental conflict (Sandler et al., 2008), as well as the negative effects of maternal

depression on children (Mezulis, Hyde, & Blark, 2004). In brief, regardless of

whom the child lives with after separation, having information regarding both

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parents is important in order to obtain a comprehensive understanding of child

adjustment following separation.

In this thesis, parental separation referred to the dissolution of married and

common-law marriages. This can be viewed as an advantage because it allowed a

perspective that included children who are often excluded from research, which

most often focuses on children of divorce. It seems particularly important to proceed

in this manner in the province of Quebec where common-law unions are more

frequent than in the rest of Canada, are more institutionalized, and are gradually

replacing marriage. This means that many of the children in this province who

experience parental separation are from cohabiting parents. Although children who

experience their cohabiting parents’ separation are faced with similar challenges as

their counterparts in previously married families, a valuable question remains: Are

children affected differently by the event of separation versus divorce? There is

reason to believe that these two types of unions do in fact differ as research shows

that common-law unions are less stable and more likely to dissolve than married

ones, and that the characteristics of parents who choose one type of union over the

other also differ (Cyr, Di Stefano, Lavoie, & Chagnon, in press). Can this mean that

children who experience separation face more transitions and hence less stability

throughout their lives in comparison to children of divorce? These answers remain

unanswered at the present time, but research focusing on the differences between

children who experience divorce and those who experience separation would be of

considerable interest. An alternative to exploring such group difference can be to

investigate children’s pre- and post-separation adjustment (as we did in our first

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study) while controlling for pre-separation marital status, in order to see whether

this variable contributes to child-adjustment.

It has repeatedly been suggested that pre-separation troubled family

relationships (e.g., increased parental conflict) explain the child difficulties

observed before separation even occurs. Although this thesis supports that some

difficulties are in fact present at pre-separation, the factors associated to these

elevated levels of difficulties were not explored. Since it is known that there are

specific predictors of separation, such as parents’ low educational attainment and

low financial resources, it would be valuable to intersect pre-separation child

outcomes with these predictors as well as with variables measuring pre-separation

family relationship and marital conflict (Strohschein, 2012). Such an examination

would help to clarify why children already fare worse before separation, and to

better distinguish between the effects of separation, and the effects of other factors

that children may be exposed to early on in life, and that are associated to the later

occurrence of separation. In order to do this, it is necessary to have access to

longitudinal data, which is consistent overtime and measured through

methodologically sound tools.

Implications for Practice

Understanding children’s adjustment before and after separation, as well as

the factors that contribute to it, is important for implementing intervention programs

that can help children and parents and fit their specific needs once the decision to

separate has been made.

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This thesis has demonstrated that some of children’s difficulties precede

parental separation, and as research suggests, this may partly be due to the

dysfunctional family dynamics that occur in families that eventually separate as well

as to other predictors of separation. To better target and protect these at-risk youths,

it can therefore be valuable to implement daycare- or school-based programs.

Helping children understand and deal with stressful situations that may be occurring

in their home is of great importance, and can encourage children to proactively

express their feelings related to what they are experiencing, and to develop coping

skills to deal with these stressors rather than act out their emotions in a problematic

manner. Extracurricular activities and sports participation are also positive outlets

for negative emotions, and have been shown to promote psychological well-being in

at-risk youth (Bonhauser et al., 2005; Crews, Lochbaum, & Landers, 2004). For

instance, Mahoney, Schweder and Stattin (2002) found that activity participation

protects adolescents from suboptimal family environments. Specifically,

extracurricular activity involvement mediated the relation between detached parent-

adolescent relationships and depressed mood. After-school activities can also help

children develop a support system outside of the family environment. The role of

social support systems has been highlighted by some researchers as being a very

important element in how children adapt to their parents’ separation (Bouchard &

Drapeau, 1991).

Family support and therapy may also be beneficial in families at-risk of

separating. In a therapeutic setting, dysfunctional pre-separation dynamics and

conflict can be identified and the family can learn about and practice ways to break

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unhealthy patterns of communication and behavior, and deescalate any conflict that

may arise. In addition, the emotional health of parents can be attended to, and these

adults can be helped to understand and notice some of their children’s fears and

needs, which can go unnoticed as parents are often spent by concerns of their own.

By preventively and cooperatively working on resolving their family difficulties, the

probability of parents separating may also be reduced. Because the results of this

thesis have also shown that child difficulties do not necessarily subside a few years

after separation, it can also be important to have follow-up visits with families who

participate in intervention programs, in order to touch base, restate goals, and

discuss ways to improve problematic situations. The difficulty lies in getting these

families to register for such programs, therefore creating the need for social policies

to publicly address, implement and make these prevention services accessible to at-

risk families.

Although in some cases, separation puts an end to a toxic family

environment, resulting in children faring better following this event, it does not

necessarily put an end to inter-parental conflict and parents’ psychological

problems, which may carry over and even worsen after the split. In fact, this thesis

has revealed the importance of mothers’ post-separation emotional well-being and

quality of parenting in explaining some of the difficulties experienced by children

who face parental separation. Although we did not test for mediation effects, it is

possible that parents who separate or divorce are more likely than parents who stay

together to experience psychological and parenting difficulties, which in turn affect

the behavioral and emotional outcomes of their children. Parent difficulties are often

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influenced by the degree of interparental conflict after separation (Cyr & Carobene,

2004), which in turn has been shown to have detrimental and long-term effects on

children (Lansford, 2009). In such cases, the challenge for parents and professionals

is to find post-separation arrangements that minimize conflict (Leon, 2003).

In order to reach agreement about such arrangements and resolve post-

separation conflict, family mediation has become an adjunct, or even an alternative,

to court-based family justice services. It is widely promoted as a constructive,

consensual and low-cost alternative to litigation. It is also well developed in Quebec

as a current private practice service provided by trained family mediators under

government rules and regulations (Cyr, Di Stefano, & Desjardins, in press). The law

provides a mandatory individual or group information session about mediation

before filing for divorce. The goal of this session is to provide information on the

nature and objectives of mediation, the steps in the process, the role of the mediator,

and the role played by the spouses. After attending the information session, the

spouses must decide either to undertake mediation to reach an agreement, or to

institute or continue legal proceedings.

The efficacy of family mediation in reducing post-separation conflict has

been demonstrated (Emery, Laumann-Billings, Waldron, Sbarra, & Dillon, 2001),

but no existing research, to our knowledge, has provided empirical evidence that

mediation actually benefits children, most probably because children are normally

not directly involved in this process. A meta-analysis by Shaw (2010) concluded

that mediation is a positive alternative to litigation for several reasons, which

include the bettering of the relationship between ex-partners and the increased

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understanding of children’s needs. Therefore, it is believed that mediation likely

benefits children indirectly.

Research also indicates that parental divorce education programs can help

parents manage the stress of separation, increase awareness of their children’s

needs, and reduce parental behaviors that put children in the middle of disputes

(Haine, Sandler, Wolchik, Tein, & Dawson-McClure, 2003; Kelly, 2002; Pedro-

Carroll, 2005; Pedro-Carroll, Nalchnikian, & Mintes, 2001). Such programs can

favor the parent-child relationship, in turn leading to positive post-separation child

outcomes. Research has demonstrated that program-induced improvements in

mother-child relationship are associated to higher short- and long-term levels of

coping efficacy in children from separated families (Velez, Wolchik, Tein, &

Sandler, 2011). In Quebec, a free parenting session is offered following separation

(Portail Québec, 2012). In addition to informing parents about family mediation,

this session lasting two and a half hours, addresses the psychological shock of the

break-up, the psychological needs of children, and the need to maintain

communication between ex-partners. Although few studies have investigated the

efficacy of such programs, it has been observed that parents are satisfied with these

education programs, as they decrease conflict interactions between parents

regarding topics such as timesharing and finances (Bacon & McKenzie, 2004).

However, longer lasting programs (e.g., six hours or more) have been shown to be

more effective than shorter term ones.

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Conclusion

This research has focused on specific factors in order to better understand

child adjustment following parental separation. It is important in this final section to

emphasize that not all children who experience separation present with similar pre-

and post-separation outcomes. Thus, one child’s adjustment may not be typical of

all children. This means that there are specific factors that lead to many different

outcomes for children who face their parents’ separation. An idiosyncratic approach

is therefore needed in order to explore the specific factors that lead to this individual

vulnerability.

The results of this doctoral research support and stress the importance of

considering pre-separation factors that contribute to child difficulties before the

event of separation even takes place. However, our findings also emphasize that

there may be factors associated to separation itself, which lead to child problems.

This was demonstrated in our research by results indicating that for some outcomes,

child difficulties were already present at pre-separation, while for others, the event

of separation was associated to a significant difficulty increase. Although the

different behaviors explored evolved differently over time, we demonstrated that

children who experienced separation presented with a significantly higher degree of

difficulty up to a few years following separation in comparison to their counterparts

in intact families, and that these group differences were not explained by gender or

age at the time of separation. Such results imply that there are likely other

separation-specific psychosocial stressors that better explain the variability observed

in the outcomes of children from separated families, or other child characteristics

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such as coping abilities for instance.

Our research also revealed that when parental emotional health, parenting

quality, and household income were considered simultaneously after controlling for

child gender, family type was no longer associated with some of the measured child

outcomes, although it was with others. Thus, the variables explored in this thesis

only help explain some of children’s difficulties following separation. Further

exploration is needed in order to obtain a more comprehensive understanding of the

various factors that relate to child adjustment following separation.

Our conclusions support that some of these factors are pre-separation child

adjustment, post-separation maternal anxiety and depression, as well as the quality

of post-separation maternal parenting. Separation is a process rather than a distinct

and static event that takes place at a given time, and the build-up of family

difficulties that lead-up to separation can have detrimental effects on children’s

emotional and behavioral health years before parents physically separate. What is

more, separation is not an event that solely affects children, but one that inevitably

leads to changes in the lives of all those involved. The well-being of parents and the

quality of their parenting skills certainly contribute to how their children adjust to

the separation. These conclusions may support the idea that it is the cumulative

contribution of pre-separation environment and post-separation parental factors that

account for child difficulties following separation. This thesis encourages research

that investigates the role of these and other risk factors in child adjustment to

parental separation, and it brings knowledge that can be geared towards

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implementing intervention and prevention programs tailored to the needs of the

many children and families worldwide who face this reality.

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Appendix A

1 = Never (not true); 2 = Sometimes (somewhat true); 3 = Often (very true)

HYPERACTIVITY/IMPULSIVITY

In the past 12 months, how often would you say your child… 1 2 3

(1) could not sit still, was restless or hyperactive?

(2) could not stop fidgeting?

(3) was impulsive or acted without thinking?

(4) had difficulty waiting for his/her turn in games?

(5) could not settle down to do something for more than a few moments?

(6) could not wait when you promised something?

ANXIETY

In the past 12 months, how often would you say your child… 1

2 3

(1) was nervous, highstrung or tense?

(2) was too fearful or anxious?

(3) was worried?

(4) cried a lot?

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Appendix A (Continued)

1 = Never (not true); 2 = Sometimes (somewhat true); 3 = Often (very true)

PHYSICAL AGGRESSION

In the past 12 months, how often would you say your child…

1 2 3

(1) got into fights?

(2) physically attacked people?

(3) hit other children?

(4) bit other children?

(5) kicked other children?

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Appendix B

1 = Never; 2 = Rarely; 3 = Sometimes; 4 = Often; 5 = Always

POSITIVE PARENTING

In the past 12 months, how often … 1 2 3 4 5

(1) did you and your child talk or play with each other,

focusing attention on each other for five minutes or

more, just for fun?

(2) did you do something special with your child that he

or she enjoys?

(3) did you play sports activities, hobbies or play games

with your child?

(4) did you play fight with your child just for fun?

(5) did you say to were proud of your child?

CONSISTENT PARENTING

In the past 12 months… 1 2 3 4 5

(1) if you have told your child that he or she would get

punished if he/ she did not stop doing something, and

he/ she kept doing it, how often did you punish him/her?

(2) how often did your child get away with things that

you felt should have been punished? (Reversed)

(3) how often was your child able to get out of a

punishment when he/ she really had set his/her mind to

it? (Reversed)

(4) when your child broke the rules or did things he/she

was not supposed to, how often did you ignore it, do

nothing? (Reversed)

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Appendix B (Continued)

1 = Never; 2 = Rarely; 3 = Sometimes; 4 = Often; 5 = Always

COERCIVE PARENTING

In the past 12 months, how often… 1 2 3 4 5

(1) did you grab firmly or shake your child when he/she was difficult?

(2) did you hit your child when he/she was difficult?

(3) did you raise your voice, scold or yell at your child when he/ she broke the rules or did things he/she was not supposed to?

(4) did you use physical punishment when your child broke the rules or did things that he/she was not supposed to?

INTRUSIVE PARENTING

In the past 12 months, how often… 1 2 3 4 5

(1) did you tell your child exactly what to do in a situation that was new for him/her?

(2) did you insist that your child stop being embarassed when he/she hesitated in the presence of children or adults he/she didn't know?

(3) did you insist that your child "go ahead" or stop being scared in situations that made him/her uneasy?

(4) did you tell him/her exactly what to do when you were playing with him/her ?

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Appendix C

1=Rarely or none of the time (less than 1 day); 2 = Some or a little of the time (1-2 days); 3 = Occasionally or a moderate amount of time (3-4 days); 4 = Most or all of the time (5-7 days)

MATERNAL SYMPTOMS OF DEPRESSION

How often have you felt or behaved this way during the past week

1 2 3 4

(1) I felt that I could not shake off the blues even with help from my family or friends

(2) I felt depressed

(3) I felt that everything I did was an effort

(4) I was happy (Reversed)

(5) I felt lonely.

(6) I enjoyed life (Reversed)

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Appendix D

Maternal Symptoms of Anxiety

The following questions bear on certain experiences.

(1) Do you fear and avoid certain places (like: elevators, planes, heights, water), animals (like: dogs, insects, or spiders) or situations involving blood or medical or dental procedures?

(2) Are you very anxious in some social situations and do you avoid them due to the fear of making a blunder or of being judged by others?

(3) Do you ever feel a sudden rush of intense fear or discomfort that comes out of the blue (the attack may involve palpitations, shortness of breath, chest pains, dizziness, fear of dying, etc.)?

(4) Do you avoid situations due to the fear of not being able to leave or receive help if you develop symptoms such as diarrhea, vomiting, dizziness or a panic attack?

(5) Do you experience muscle tension or feel restless or on edge when you worry?

(6) Do you worry excessively or in an exaggerated fashion to the extent that you find it hard to control your worries?

0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Never Rarely Sometimes Often Constantly

0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Never Rarely Sometimes Often Constantly

0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Never Rarely Sometimes Often Constantly

0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Never Rarely Sometimes Often Constantly

0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Never Rarely Sometimes Often Constantly

0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Never Rarely Sometimes Often Constantly

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(7) Are you bothered by thoughts, images, or impulses that keep on recurring and may seem inappropriate, bizarre, or non-sensical, but that you can’t stop from coming into your mind?

(8) Do you feel driven to repeat some behaviour (like: wash, check, or arrange in order) or to repeat something in your mind over and over again to control a thought, prevent something bad from happening, or to feel less unpomfortable

(9) Is your daily life still affected by memories, dreams, or other signs of distress about an event that you experienced or witnessed and which was traumatic or life-threatening for yourself or others?

(10) Are you strongly preoccupied by the idea that you have a serious disease despite medical reassurance?

(11) To what extent does one or other of the above signs interfere with your life in some way, that is your work, social life, family life, etc.?

0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Never Rarely Sometimes Often Constantly

0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Never Rarely Sometimes Often Constantly

0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Never Rarely Sometimes Often Constantly

0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Never Rarely Sometimes Often Constantly

0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Never Rarely Sometimes Often Constantly