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CENTRE D’ÉTUDES CHYPRIOTESCAHIER 41, 2011

La loi du 11 mars 1957 n’autorisant, aux termes des alinéas 2 et 3 de l’article 41, d’une part, que les « copies ou reproductions strictement privées à l’usage du copiste et non destinées à une utilisation collective » et, d’autre part, que les analyses ou les courtes citations dans un but d’exemple et d’illustration, « toute représentation ou reproduction intégrale, ou partielle, faite sans le consentement de l’auteur ou de ses ayants droit ou ayants cause, est illicite » (alinéa premier de l’article 40).

© Centre d’Études Chypriotes, Pariset

Édition-Diffusion de Boccard, Paris

ISSN 0761-8271

2012

Illustration de couverture: Larnaca, gravure de F. Cassas, 1785.Vignette de titre : Chapiteau d’Idalion (ici p. 239, fig. 1).

C E N T R E D’É T U D E S C H Y P R I O T E S

Édition-Diffusion De Boccard11, rue de Médicis, F-75006 Paris

CAHIER41, 2011

Dossier :Actes du POCA, Lyon 2011

(Postgraduate Cypriote Archaeology)

édités par Anna Cannavó et Aurélie Carbillet

Publié avec le concours de la Fondation A.G. Leventis

La revue Cahiers du Centre d’Études chypriotes (abrégée CCEC) publie des contributions en allemand, anglais, français, grec, et rend compte d’ouvrages qui lui sont envoyés. Adresser les propositions d’articles au directeur de la revue (Centre Camille-Jullian, Aix).

Directeur de la revue : Antoine HERMARY.Comité de rédaction : Derek COUNTS, Sabine FOURRIER, Antoine HERMARY, Hartmut

MATTHÄUS, Robert MERRILLEES, Marguerite YON, qui constituent aussi le Comité de lecture avec la collaboration de spécialistes extérieurs.

Maquette, mise en page : Marguerite YON.DAO illustration : Vincent DUMAS.

Centre Camille-Jullian, MMSH, Université de Provence-CNRS, 5 rue du Château-de-l’Horloge, B.P. 647, F-13094 Aix-en-Provence Cedex 2. ahermary@mmsh.univ-aix.fr vdumas@mmsh.univ-aix.fr

HISOMA [Histoire et Sources des Mondes Anciens], Université Lyon 2-CNRS, Maison de l’Orient, 7 rue Raulin, F-69365 Lyon Cedex 07. sabine.fourrier@mom.fr marguerite.yon@mom.fr

Postgraduate Cypriote Archaeology, Lyon 19-22 octobre 2011Amphithéâtre Benveniste, Maison de l’Orient (Université de Lyon)

Cahiers du Centre d’ÉtudesChypriotes 41, 2011

SOMMAIRE

Sommaire ....................................................................................................................... 5Avant-propos, par Antoine HERMARY, Président du Centre ............................................ 7In memoriam Hans-Günther Buchholz, par Hartmut MATTHÄUS ................................... 9

ACTES DU POCA 2011 [Postgraduate Cypriote Archaeology]

Lyon, 19-22 octobre

Introduction au POCA 2011, par Anna CANNAVÓ et Aurélie CARBILLET ....................... 17Conférence inaugurale :

Marguerite YON, Larnaca et Kition aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles ...................................... 21Contributions :

Constantinos CONSTANTINOU, 7th to 5th millennium Eastern Mediterranean:An Introduction to the Identification of Interactions between Cyprus and the North Levant after Pre-Pottery Neolithic Times ........................................ 53

Julien BECK : L’occupation néolithique de Kataliondas-Kourvellos : état de la question .................................................................................................. 79

Charalambos PARASKEVA, Middle/Late Chalcolithic to Early Bronze Age Cyprus:New Perspectives in Archaeological Theory and Techniques [Résumé] ............... 85

Luca BOMBARDIERI, Caterina CALABRISOTTO, Erika ALBERTINI, Francesca CHELAZI,Dating the contexts (or contextualizing the datings?). New evidencefrom the Southern cemetery at Erimi-Laonin tou Porakou (EC-LC I) .................. 87

Artemis GEORGIOU, The settlement histories of Cyprus at the opening of the twelfth century BC ..................................................................................... 109

Christian VONHOFF, The Phenomenon of feasting in early Iron Age Cyprus. Bronzeand Iron Obeloi from Cypriot Tombs as Evidence for Elite Self-Conception, Social Networks and Trans-Mediterranean Cultural Exchange Chypre .............. 133

Anna PAULE, La parure protohistorique de Chypre : Recherche de traces sur le continent grec ............................................................................................. 153

Anna P. GEORGIADOU, À propos de la production céramique chypro-géométrique d’Amathonte .................................................................................... 167

Anja ULBRICH, Unpublished sculptures from ancient Idalion : The earliest provenanced find-assemblage in the Ashmolean Cypriot collection ................... 183

Jan-Marc HENKE, New Evidences for the Definition of Workshops of CyprioteTerracottas at East Aegean Findingspots and its Chronological Background ...... 211

Aurélie CARBILLET, Naviguer vers l’éternité. Les modèles de bateau en terre cuite chypriotes et leur association à la navigation eschatologique .............................. 223

6 CCEC 41, 2011

David Ian LIGHTBODY, Signs of conciliation: the hybridised “Tree of Life” in the Iron Age City Kingdoms of Cyprus ........................................................... 239

Yannick VERNET, L’Apollon chypriote, de la nature et des animaux ....................... 251Christina IOANNOU, Les relations de la ville de Kition et le Proche-Orient

selon les sources écrites de l’époque archaïque ................................................... 265Pawel NOWAKOWSKI, The family of Titus Flavius Glaukos, !"#$%"&'#"(#)(*+,-.(/01234( ............................................................................... 283

Niki KYRIAKOU, Decoding rural landscapes: a GIS and ABM simulation for interpreting the structures of the hinterland. The case study of Roman Cyprus ......................................................................... 289

Philippe TRÉLAT & Hesperia ILIADOU, Localiser les marchés. Les activités artisanales et commerciales à Nicosie durant les périodes latine et ottomane / Tracing the market place : Commercial and artisan activity in Nicosia between the Latin and Ottoman eras .................................................................... 299

VARIÉTÉS

Miltiade HATZOPOULOS, Retour sur Androclès d’Amathonte (rectificatif à CCEC 39, 2009, p. 226-234) .......................................................... 329

Jannic DURAND, L’exposition “Chypre médiévale” au musée du Louvre, octobre 2012 ..................................................................... 331

COMPTES RENDUS D’OUVRAGES

1. Jean GUILAINE, François BRIOIS, Jean-Denis VIGNE (dir.), Shillourokambos. Un établissement néolithique pré-céramique à Chypre. Les fouilles du secteur 1, Athènes, 2011 [M. Bailly] .................................................................................... 341

2. Aurélie CARBILLET, La figure hathorique à Chypre (IIe-Ier mill. av. J.-C.), Ugarit-Verlag, Münster, 2011 [A. Hermary] .................................................................... 344

3. Joanna SMITH, Art and Society in Cyprus from the Bronze Age into the Iron Age, New York, 2009 [A. Caubet] ................................................................................ 346

4. Hans-Günther BUCHHOLZ, Tamassos. Ein antiker Stadtstaat im Bergbaugebiet von Zypern, Band I. Die Nekropolen I, II und III, Münster, 2010 [S. Fourrier] .......... 348

5. Évangéline MARKOU, L’or des rois de Chypre. Numismatique et histoire à l’époque classique, !"#"$%&'$' 64, Athènes, 2011 [S. Fourrier] .................................... 350

6. Lorenzo CALVELLI, Cipro e la memoria dell’antico fra Medioevo e Rinascimento. Venise, 2009 [L. Bonato] ...................................................................................... 352

7. Despina PILIDES, George Jeffery: His Diaries and the Ancient Monuments of Cyprus, Nicosie, 2009 [Ph. Trélat] .................................................................................... 357

Cahiers du Centre d’Études

Chypriotes 41, 2011

AVANT-PROPOS

Il faut malheureusement ouvrir cette nouvelle livraison du Cahier par deux tristes nouvelles, celles du décès à l’été 2011 de Pierre Carlier et de Hans-Günter Buchholz. Hartmut Matthäus rappelle ici (p. 9-14) le rôle très important qu’a tenu le grand savant allemand dans l’archéologie chypriote depuis une cinquantaine d’années, en particulier par ses recherches sur le site de Tamassos. Je mentionnerai seulement ici les contributions qu’il a apportées à notre Cahier, d’abord en 1989 et 1991, à l’initiative d’Olivier Masson, à qui le liait une vieille amitié, puis en collaboration avec H. Matthäus et K. Walcher (en 2002, dans le volume en hommage à Marguerite Yon) et avec H. Matthäus seul (2003). L’autre décès que nous avons à déplorer est celui de Pierre Carlier, professeur à l’Université de Paris Ouest Nanterre-La Défense, qui, depuis de longues années, suivait et encourageait nos travaux ; il avait dirigé la thèse de Christina Ioannou, et dirigeait encore celle de Sidonie Lejeune sur Chypre à l’époque hellénistique. Nous avons perdu un ami et un grand historien de l’Antiquité.

Ce volume est presque entièrement consacré à la publication du colloque des jeunes archéologues travaillant sur Chypre, le « POCA 2011 ». Cette manifestation annuelle, qui existe depuis plus de dix ans, s’est réunie pour la première fois en France, à la Maison de

l’Orient et de la Méditerranée-JeanPouilloux à Lyon, du 19 au 22 octobre 2011. Notre Centre a apporté son soutien à ce colloque, remarquablement organisé par Anna Cannavò et Aurélie Carbillet (avec l’aide de Sabine Fourrier), dont l’esprit correspond tout à fait aux objectifs que nous nous sommes fixés depuis près de 30 ans, en encourageant les publications des jeunes chercheurs et en mettant l’accent sur la longue durée de l’histoire de Chypre, du Néolithique à l’époque moderne. Cet important dossier est présenté plus loin par les deux éditrices.

On trouvera ensuite une présentation par Jannic Durand (qui en est le commissaire) de l’exposition sur Chypre médiévale qui s’ouvrira en octobre 2012 au Musée du Louvre : je le remercie d’avoir bien voulu nous faire connaître le contenu de cet important événement lors de notre assemblée générale de janvier 2012.

Comme les années précédentes, j’adresse tous mes remerciements aux membres du bureau du CEC, ainsi qu’à l’Université de Paris Ouest Nanterre-La Défense et à l’équipe « Archéologie et Sciences de l’Antiquité » qui hébergent notre Centre au sein de la Maison

René-Ginouvès, enrichissent notre fonds de bibliothèque et nous ouvrent leur page web (www.mae.u­paris10.fr, puis « sites hébergés ») : la mise à jour de notre site est due à

8 CCEC 41, 2011

Virginie Fromageot-Lanièpce, aidée par Nathalia Denninger que je remercie pour l’aide précieuse que, cette année encore, elle a apportée au fonctionnement du Centre.

Ce volume n’aurait, bien sûr, pas pu être publié sans l’aide financière de la Fondation A. G. Leventis, ni sans le travail de composition et de mise en page effectué par Marguerite Yon, à laquelle nous sommes cette année encore profondément reconnaissants. Je remercie également pour leur aide Sabine Fourrier et Robert Merrillees, ainsi que Vincent Dumas qui, comme les années précédentes, a pris en charge le traitement des images.

Antoine HermaryPrésident du Centre d’Études chypriotes

Au moment où nous mettons en page ce volume, nous apprenons le décès de Veronica Tatton-Brown, au terme d’une éprouvante maladie. Nous avions dédié à cette grande spécialiste de Chypre, fidèle collaboratrice de notre Centre, le Cahier 35, 2005. Nous présentons à sa famille et à ses collègues du British Museum nos plus sincères condoléances.

Cahiers du Centre d’Études

Chypriotes 41, 2011

Postgraduate Cypriote Archaeology 2011

INTRODUCTION AUX ACTES

Depuis maintenant onze ans, le POCA réunit et donne prioritairement la parole aux doctorants et jeunes chercheurs dont les travaux s’intéressent à la culture historique, anthropologique ou matérielle de Chypre, sans limite chronologique. De prestigieuses institutions universitaires, telles que le Trinity College à Dublin (2005), l’Université de Chypre à Nicosie (2007), l’Université Libre de Bruxelles (2008), l’Université d’Oxford (2009), ou, l’année dernière encore, l’Université de Venise, ont déjà parrainé la manifestation. Ce fut pour nous, organisatrices, une immense fierté et un grand honneur que d’avoir permis à cette onzième édition d’être accueillie pour la première fois en France, à Lyon, dans un lieu emblématique de l’archéologie française à Chypre : la Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerranée – Jean Pouilloux (Université de Lyon). Son fondateur, J. Pouilloux – auquel l’institution est aujourd’hui dédiée –, consacra une partie de sa vie à l’archéologie chypriote, discipline pour laquelle il œuvra avec passion tout en participant à son rayonnement à l’échelle nationale et internationale. En outre, cette institution accueille, depuis leur création, les prestigieuses missions françaises de Salamine et de Kition, ainsi qu’une équipe active de chercheurs et d’étudiants spécialistes de l’histoire et de l’archéologie chypriotes.

Nous tenons à exprimer nos remerciements les plus sincères au Centre d’Études Chypriotes, et en particulier à son Président Antoine Hermary, pour avoir porté et soutenu ce projet financièrement, mais aussi scientifiquement, en ayant en particulier proposé de dédier ce tome 41 des Cahiers à la publication des Actes, ce dont nous lui sommes extrêmement reconnaissantes. Remercions également nos nombreux autres partenaires financiers, sans lesquels cette manifestation n’aurait pu avoir lieu dans des conditions si favorables : la fondation Leventis, l’Association des Amis de la Maison de l’Orient, le laboratoire « HiSoMA » (UMR 5189-CNRS, Lyon 2), l’Université Lyon 2, la Ville de Lyon, l’École Doctorale 483 « Sciences Sociales » (Lyon 2) et la Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerranée, que nous remercions également pour son soutien logistique.

Le colloque s’est tenu du 19 au 21 octobre 2011. Il s’est ouvert par une conférence donnée par Marguerite Yon, intitulée « Les vestiges de Kition à Larnaca aux XVIII

e et XIXe

siècles ». Nous tenons à lui exprimer toute notre gratitude pour nous avoir fait l’immense honneur et le privilège d’avoir répondu à notre invitation, tout en nous offrant, au travers

P O C A

18 CCEC 41, 2011

de cette communication, une vision richement illustrée et peu connue de la topographie de cette ville et de ses vestiges antiques. Deux journées de communication, divisées en quatre sessions chronologiques et thématiques, ont accueilli dix-sept participants, rattachés à diverses institutions et universités d’Allemagne, d’Autriche, de Chypre, de France, de Grèce, d’Italie, de Pologne, du Royaume-Uni, de Suisse, venus présenter différents stades de leurs recherches, discuter des problématiques et des enjeux qu’elles supposent, de l’approche méthodologique qu’ils souhaitent adopter et des résultats qu’ils ont déjà obtenus. Ces interventions couvrent un vaste champ chronologique allant du VIIIe millénaire av. J.-C. à l’époque ottomane, avec cette année toutefois une part importante de communications axées sur la culture matérielle, les pratiques cultuelles et sur les échanges culturels au Ier millénaire av. J.-C. Les champs disciplinaires abordés sont aussi très variés : archéologie, histoire, histoire des religions, anthropologie funéraire, épigraphie, tout comme le sont aussi les problématiques : caractérisation de l’occupation du territoire à une période donnée, de la culture matérielle des habitants d’une région, des pratiques funéraires, de la religion et de ses rituels, des échanges économiques et culturels au sein même de l’île, mais aussi avec ses voisins occidentaux et orientaux.

Les débats qui suivirent chacune des communications furent riches et magistralement arbitrés par les présidents de séance, que nous remercions chaleureusement d’avoir accepté de tenir ce rôle et de l’avoir si bien joué : Françoise Le Mort, Sabine Fourrier, Olivier Callot et Antoine Hermary, à qui revenait également la charge de s’occuper des remarques conclusives. Le colloque s’est terminé par une visite de la collection chypriote du Musée des Beaux Arts de Lyon, conjointement guidée par Mme Geneviève Galliano, Conservatrice des Antiquités, et par Sabine Fourrier, que nous remercions vivement.

Nous ne saurions oublier de remercier Alexandre Rabot (Université Lyon 2) pour l’infographie, Corinne Cohen (UMR 5189 « HiSoMA ») pour la gestion des questions administratives, le Service communication de la MOM ainsi que Sabine Fourrier, pour leur soutien actif et leur efficacité si précieuse dans la préparation et l’organisation de ce colloque.

La publication des Actes, que le Centre d’Études Chypriotes a généreusement accueillie dans le 41e volume de ses Cahiers, a pu se faire très rapidement, grâce au soutien scientifique et technique du Directeur de la revue et de son comité de rédaction. C’est une grande opportunité, pour de jeunes chercheurs, que de pouvoir publier rapidement les résultats de leurs recherches, et nous tenons à remercier encore une fois le Centre d’Études Chypriotes pour l’avoir offerte aux participants de ce colloque. Le premier article (C. Constantinou) est une introduction méthodologique aux recherches doctorales menées par l’auteur, dont l’objectif est d’identifier, d’analyser et de comprendre les multiples formes d’interactions qui ont pu s’opérer entre Chypre et le Levant entre la fin du VIIIe et le Ve millénaire av. J.-C. Ch. Paraskeva a présenté, lors du colloque, une mise au point méthodologique sur l’étude des structures sociales à Chypre entre la fin du Chalcolithique Récent et l’Âge du Bronze Ancien : nous donnons ici le résumé de sa contribution. Les deux articles suivants nous livrent les résultats inédits des fouilles menées par les auteurs

A. CANNAVÓ & A. CARBILLET, INTRODUCTION AU POCA 2011 19

sur le site néolithique de Kataliondas-Kourvellos (J. Beck), et sur le site du Bronze moyen au Bronze récent I d’Erimi-Laonin tou Porakou (L. Bombardieri, C. Scirè Calabrisotto, F. Chelazzi). L’Âge du Fer a reçu, dans cette édition 2011 du POCA, une attention tout à fait remarquable. Les études d’A. Georgiou et de Ch. Vonhoff apportent de nouveaux éclairages sur les complexes phases de transition entre le Bronze Récent et l’Âge du Fer. Les articles d’A. Paule, d’A. Georgiadou et de J.-M. Henke proposent d’analyser des productions caractéristiques de l’île à l’Âge du Fer (respectivement orfèvrerie, céramique et terres cuites), avec un intérêt renouvelé et prometteur pour l’étude des productions régionales. L’article d’A. Ulbrich, tout en présentant une collection inédite de petites sculptures d’Idalion conservées à l’Ashmolean Museum d’Oxford, s’inscrit également dans ce sillage : la comparaison qu’elle opère entre ces sculptures et d’autres assemblages découverts à Idalion dans des contextes bien documentés lui permet de réattribuer cet ensemble à l’un des deux grands sanctuaires de la cité consacrés à l’Aphrodite locale. Les croyances religieuses sont abordées par trois études d’iconographie et d’iconologie : l’une s’intéresse au thème du bateau en contexte funéraire, à partir de productions en terre cuite (A. Carbillet) ; une autre au motif de l’« Arbre de Vie » (D. Lightbody) ; la dernière est consacrée à la figure du dieu Apollon (Y. Vernet). L’étude de Ch. Ioannou cherche, quant à elle, à mieux comprendre les relations politiques et économiques de la ville de Kition avec le Proche-Orient à l’époque archaïque, d’après les sources textuelles. La période romaine est abordée avec l’étude d’épigraphie de P. Nowakowski, qui s’intéresse à la famille du procurateur T. Flavius Glaukos, ainsi qu’avec le projet d’analyse archéologique des habitats ruraux présenté par N. Kyriakou. B. Chamel et alii ont présenté, lors du colloque, les résultats des fouilles d’un ensemble funéraire découvert en 1997 à Polis Chrysochou (au lieu-dit Ambeli tou Englezou), et montré l’intérêt des études anthropologiques à la compréhension des pratiques funéraires aux époques hellénistique et romaine à Chypre : mais les auteurs n’ont pas souhaité que leur résumé (disponible en ligne à l’adresse suivante : http://poca2011.sciencesconf.org/) figure dans ce volume, car un article doit paraître dans un prochain volume du RDAC. Enfin, Ph. Trélat et H. Iliadou dressent un tableau des activités commerciales de Nicosie au Moyen Âge et à l’époque ottomane.

Nous tenons encore à remercier tous les participants de cette onzième édition qui ont donné vie à ce colloque, œuvré à son succès, respecté les délais pour la publication de ce Cahier et qui, nous l’espérons, garderont de leur participation à cette manifestation bien plus qu’un souvenir convivial.

Nous souhaitons à présent tout le succès qu’elle mérite à la prochaine édition qui est prévue en novembre 2012 à Erlangen, en Allemagne, en espérant que cette institution du POCA aura encore une longue vie.

Lyon, le 1er février 2012 Anna CANNAVÒ, Aurélie CARBILLET

Organisatrices du POCA 2011

Cahiers du Centre d’ÉtudesChypriotes 41, 2011

SIGNS OF CONCILIATION: THE HYBRIDISED ‘TREE OF LIFE’in the Iron Age City Kingdoms of Cyprus

David Ian LIGHTBODY

Résumé. L’auteur, selon une démarche contextuelle basée sur la théorie de l’hybridation de la culture matérielle, cherche à identifier les diverses significations du motif de l’ « Arbre de Vie » au cours des périodes chypro-géométrique et chypro-archaïque. Certaines études de cas, qui montrent comment la culture matérielle est caractéristique de certains contextes archéologiques et environnementaux, peuvent aider à améliorer notre compréhension du symbolisme transmis par ce mobilier. Trois cas d’études portant sur les cités-royaumes d’Amathonte, d’Idalion et de Palaepaphos révèlent que le motif de l’ « Arbre de Vie » faisait partie intégrante d’une idéologie régionale cohérente à laquelle sont intégrés des déesses de la fertilité, des montagnes sacrées, des tells, des acropoles fortifiées et des tombes. En outre, en mettant en corrélation les modifications iconographiques et les changements sociaux qui se sont produits au cours de l’existence de ce motif, l’auteur propose de voir dans ses variations une tentative de réconciliation de différentes traditions iconographiques à l’intérieur d’un nouveau système de croyances.

IntroductionThis paper presents a brief summary of initial conclusions drawn from a four year

study of the Tree of Life as it was depicted in Iron Age Cypriot architecture and portable material culture. The symbol has been studied before as an artistic motif,1 but never within a fully contextualised archaeology that attempts to understand why it was so pervasive on Cyprus, why it became one of the central signs of the Iron Age city kingdoms, and why the designs produced on Cyprus became so elaborate.

The conclusions are, firstly, that the Tree of Life was part of a coherent ideology that reflected the daily life and fundamental concerns of the inhabitants of Iron Age Cyprus. Secondly, that the development of this coherent ideology, from the Bronze Age through into the Iron Age, paralleled the ethno-genesis of the Iron Age city kingdoms. Finally, my research indicates that during this process, the Cypriot Tree of Life iconography

1. Ohnefalsch­Richter 1893; Danthine 1937; Gjerstad 1948; Betancourt 1977; Kepinski 1982; Meekers 1987; Shefton 1989; Parpalo 1993; Keel 1998; Bushnell 2005; Dever 2005; Petit 2008;

Stein 2009; Ziffer 2010.

240 CCEC 41, 2011

successfully reconciled several different regional traditions and hybridised them into one new type of motif.

Case StudiesRather than studying the symbol in isolation, my methodology was to investigate how

material culture carrying the motif was used within the sanctuaries, temple enclosures, settlements and necropolises. Three city kingdoms were selected as case studies, and addressed sequentially, with research questions and hypotheses being developed and tested methodically. The first case study site was ancient Amathus, well known to the French team who have so expertly excavated, reconstructed and published the site over the past 30 years and more.2 The second case study site was ancient Idalion, modern Dali, which is the largest of the inland city kingdoms so far uncovered. The third and last case study was Palaepaphos, home of Aphrodite and the spiritual heart of Iron Age Cyprus. My understanding, interpretations and conclusions regarding the significance of the Tree of Life developed gradually as I carried out the case studies of these sites. In this article I will review some of the most significant pieces of archaeological evidence bearing the Tree of Life that were identified in each case, and which gradually revealed the meanings associated with the motif in the minds of the ancient inhabitants of Cyprus.

The most significant artefact recovered from the hilltop of the first case study site, Amathus, was the giant carved solid limestone bowl, now in the Louvre. The replica on the acropolis still gives some indication of how imposing such an unusual creation would have appeared during the Iron Age when it was made (Cypro-Archaic II). The handles of this bowl are decorated with Trees of Life, an unreadable inscription, and bulls. Another less well known vessel was also uncovered during the excavations on the summit, in a sealed cave containing ceramic fragments that are approximately contemporary with the giant bowl, also dating from the Cypro-Archaic Period.3 Pieces of this large amphoriod krater have been reconstructed and are now in the Limassol museum. The vessel is known as the Vase aux Taureaux (AM 1554), and the group of symbols painted on the krater are remarkably similar to those on the giant bowl that was positioned above. The vase also carries a depiction of the Tree of Life, growing up from a narrow central triangle, and with elaborate foliage resembling the more formalised trees carved on the handles of the giant bowl. A bull with lowered horns is shown approaching the Tree of Life. As well as the symbols, my methodology compelled me to consider the landscape context of these two vessels, and their prominent location at the top of the acropolis hill was noted. In addition, the deliberate burial of the ceramic vessel in a large cave at the summit was considered of possible significance, beyond that of typical favissae or bothros caches of excess temple paraphernalia and sacrificial remains.4

2. Aupert 1996.3. Hermary, Fourrier 2006, p. 22.4. Markoe 2000, p. 123.

D. I. LIGHTBODY, THE HYBRIDISED ‘TREE OF LIFE’ 241

The second case study was of ancient Idalion, modern Dali. In order to test the initial conclusions of the first case study, an attempt was made to identify any vessels buried on hilltops that were decorated with Tree of Life or bull motifs. In fact, dozens of vessels carrying designs representing the Tree of Life were excavated from the top of the west acropolis by the Swedish Cyprus Expedition, and in addition, they found several terracotta bull figurines interred in the foundation deposit of what became known as the “Bull Cult Room” at this location.5 So again, material culture expressing the motifs of the Tree of Life and the bull were found interred in the summit of an acropolis. Similar bull figurines have been found interred at many comparable regional sanctuaries, from Late Bronze Age Ugarit on the northern Levantine coast, down to the Iron Age hilltop sanctuaries of the southern Levant.6 The bull was of course associated with the god Ba’al, and with the institution of kingship in general, from Egypt to the Hittite world. Likewise, the Tree of Life has been associated with fertility goddesses and the concepts of fecundity and abundance, as will be discussed later in the article.

Initial conclusions suggesting that there may have been an association between the bulls, trees, hilltops and caves or tombs were applied to the other artefacts at the site, and to the iconography of the elaborate “proto-Aeolic” 7 capitals that have been recovered from the settlement. One of these Tree of Life capitals was found by Dr Maria Hadjicosti during the excavations of the buildings leading up to the west acropolis, so that they seem to have adorned the entrance routes to the central defended acropolis of the city, as well as the sanctuaries and necropolises.

Many of the most elaborate Tree of Life capitals from Iron Age Cyprus (Fig. 1) come from Idalion, perhaps even those in the museum at Limassol that are usually attributed to Amathus, but their specific contexts have rarely been recorded. Capitals with volutes flanking a single triangle are not Cypriot in origin, and are known earlier from the southern Levant, notably from Hazor, Megiddo and Samaria.8 The more elaborated examples with

5. Gjerstad 1935, p. 624.6. Mazar 1982; Ahlstrom 1990; Bryce 2002, p. 192; Dever 2005, p. 136.7. Betancourt 1977; Shiloh 1979. 8. Betancourt 1977, p. 27; Shiloh 1979; Franklin 2011.

Figure 1. Tree of Life capitals from Idalion. Note the central mounds above the triangles.

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extra foliage and additional volutes springing up above are, however, unique to Cyprus, and in Idalion they seem to have gone wild with their designs. The basic central triangle is thought, with some reason, to be associated with the East Mediterranean fertility goddesses, but there are other characteristics of the designs that can be better understood when they are considered within their landscape context. For example, it is striking that the iconography, especially when considered with respect to the possible significance of hilltop locations, carries a central element that resembles a mound with flowers growing from it. Several of the steles display variations of this element. My initial interpretation of this feature is that it may signify the hilltop location of the city kingdom centre, and furthermore, it may signify the concept of the polity as a single entity focussed on a defended hilltop acropolis.

Wider research commenced into the significance of hilltop sites during the Cypriot Iron Age. Many of the Iron Age settlements of Cyprus are on hilltops, such as Vouni, Amathus and Idalion, while ancient Paphos is positioned at the end of a high ridge, overlooking the agricultural coastal plain. This contrasts with the locations of the Late Bronze Age sites such as Enkomi, Kalavassos-Ayios Dhimitrios and Kition which were not established on high hilltop sites, but on relatively low lying land. The research questions evolved into ones asking why many of the people of Cyprus seem to have abandoned lowland settlements and instead ‘headed for the hills’ sometime between the Late Bronze Age and the Geometric and Archaic Iron Ages.9 The now well documented wave of violence and destruction at the end of the Bronze Age may provide an explanation for why hilltop sites became popular places to live.10 Late Bronze Age sites on Cyprus show evidence of destruction as well as evidence of voluntary abandonment, perhaps in favour of more defensible sites, and perhaps in anticipation of threatening violence. Similarly, there is evidence of hilltop locations becoming more popular regionally. Refuge Sites became a widespread phenomenon on Crete for example, and the defensive attributes of hilltop sites are well documented. Another type of artefact found interred in the hilltop at Idalion were spearheads, and it is notable that some of the “flowers” sprouting from the mound shaped features on the capital iconography resemble spears. The conclusion reached during the case study was that the interment of spears, bulls and Trees of Life were ritual acts, carried out on the summits of acropolises, to ensure the preservation and generation of life at these locations. Although the iconography and material culture reflected important practical and military considerations, it also seems to have expressed deep seated aspects of the new religious belief system, or the cosmology, of the community that produced it.

Isosceles and equilateral triangles as signs have been considered universal symbols associated with a universal mother goddess, but in fact for Iron Age Cyprus and the surrounding regions the association was much more direct and clearly understood, rather than being a general allusion. The triangle was directly associated with the goddesses,

9. Steel 2008, p. 155.10. Kaniewski . Kaniewski et al. 2011.

D. I. LIGHTBODY, THE HYBRIDISED ‘TREE OF LIFE’ 243

notably on the Late Bronze Age fertility figurines where the pubic triangle was often heavily decorated with a herringbone form hatched design.11 This was even sometimes shown with a tree growing forth, clearly associating the tree with the idea of fertility.12 Another demonstrative artefact is a relief from the Iron Age Syro-Hittite fort of Karatepe (the Black Hill) in southern Turkey. This shows a pair of bulls facing each other on either side of a triangular shape, which has been interchanged with the more usual tree directly. As already noted, the triangle was a prominent central feature of the early Iron Age capital designs recovered from the Southern Levant. Sometimes the crescent and circle, symbols of the goddess, were actually drawn within the triangles (Fig. 1), and occasionally an image of Hathor with her curled locks was even carved in this space. Finally, the parallels between this iconography of triangles and the symbolism of the conical baetyls, which became such important icons of Cyprus and the goddesses, must be noted.13

A black stone baetyl was recovered from the sanctuary of Aphrodite at Palaepaphos, a site with roots stretching back into the Bronze Age. Who was the goddess originally represented by this “home of the god” ? 14 Was it Anat, Neith, Wanassa, Aphrodite, Athena, Astarte or Asherah? It may have depended in part who was observing the baetyl. It may also have represented all of these goddesses; all perhaps considered aspects of one common universal fertility and warrior goddess.15

Palaepaphos was the third and final case study site of this research project. As the site is one of the few that demonstrates unbroken continuity of occupation from the Late Bronze Age (when the sanctuary was built) through to the Iron Age, it allowed the study to ask where and when the Iron Age iconography first developed, before it evolved into the more elaborate Archaic forms.

The remains of ancient Palaepaphos, with its Late Bronze Age temple, sit on top of a prominent ridge overlooking the coastal agricultural plain. There are several examples of Trees of Life in the iconography from here dating to the Iron Age, but if the evidence from the very start of the Geometric Period is examined, it is clear that a slightly different iconographic set is visible that is not the same as that seen in the Archaic Period of the Iron Age.

This iconography is found on dozens of the stirrup jars recovered from the Skales cemetery.16 Many of the vessels from this necropolis were decorated with carefully drawn triangular shapes, with herring bone hatched designs within, and with what appears to be an arched hole in the middle. The Skales cemetery also demonstrates a new and different type of tomb architecture; extramural tombs dug into the side of the hills, rather than

11. Maier, Karageorghis 1984, p. 103.. Maier, Karageorghis 1984, p. 103.12. Hestrin 1987.. Hestrin 1987.13. Karageorghis 1992; Markoe 2000, p. 122; Zeman 2008.. Karageorghis 1992; Markoe 2000, p. 122; Zeman 2008.14. Markoe 2000, p. 125.. Markoe 2000, p. 125.15. Dever 2006, p. 185-186. . Dever 2006, p. 185-186. 16. Karageorghis 1983. . Karageorghis 1983.

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being dug into the summits of the hills like their Bronze Age precursors in the area. These facts make it possible to ask if the new iconography was closely related to the new tomb architecture, and if it the motifs are in effect a schematised drawing of the new tomb type with its entrance. Another example of this type of motif, from the end of the Bronze Age at Lapithos17 has an overarching mound shape adorned with what appears to be a grassy covering (Fig. 2). This strengthens the case that these motifs represented the tombs dug into the hillsides. Furthermore, if these mound shapes are compared to the mound forms at the centre of the capitals from Idalion, the common appearance of the triangles and the mounds in both types of design suggests that the goddess was associated with both the necropolises and the acropolises.

Figure 2. Decorative motif on a Proto-White Painted vase from Lapithos (Berlin, Ant. 32793).

Many archaeologists have suggested that elements of the material culture of the Iron Age city kingdom of Palaepaphos originated with Mycenaean incomers who arrived at the end of the Bronze Age. While I have been wary of these claims due to the frequently politicised nature of many of the narratives,18 in this case it does seem that elements of the material culture of Palaepaphos do show evidenced and plausible associations with the material culture of the Late Bronze Age Mycenaean world. A judicious re-evaluation and comparison of the Late Helladic IIIB tomb designs of Mycenae with this iconography from Palaepaphos, for example, disclosed several close similarities between the beehive shaped tholos tombs of Mycenae, with their prominent triangles as architectural features over the entrances, and these motifs adorning the stirrup jars from the Skales cemetery at Palaepaphos. I suggest that the Paphian stirrup jars attest to real connections with the Mycenaean world at that time, and to a common funerary ideology and symbolism relating to mound shaped tombs and triangles. The motifs echo the Mycenaean tradition of tumulus tomb building that was common in the decades and centuries before the end of the Bronze Age.

Although the triangle above the entrance to the Mycenaean beehive tomb design may originally have been incorporated for structural reasons rather than iconographic ones, there are many cases where architectural elements have subsequently acquired a

17. Brehme et al. 2001, p. 55.18. Leriou 2002.

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symbolic significance, such as with the triglyphs on Classical Greek temples. Those stone skeuomorphs represent wooden architectural precursors and are not functional. Similarly, there are many cases whereby symbolic considerations have influenced structural design choices in architecture. The chronological sequences in this case allow for either scenario, as does the regional cultural context.

A final artefact from the Paphos district that is related to this line of enquiry is a fragmented piece of impressed decoration from a terracotta vase.19 This was recovered from the peninsular settlement of Maa-Palaekastro which was abandoned at the end of the Bronze Age. Maa-Palaekastro is only 30km to the west of Palaepaphos, and the decoration on this artefact reveals some small but important changes that took place in the iconography of the region and which went on to become more prominent during the Iron Age (Fig. 3).

Figure 3. Pithos relief fragment (264) from Maa-Palaekastro.

In this example a Tree of Life is flanked by two caprids, an artistic arrangement that was very popular on Cyprus,20 however, it is in the details of this piece that the significant changes to the traditional forms first appear. In the background to the scene there are two very early examples of the Trees of Life being associated with triangular mounds or hills. In fact, the trees grow directly out of triangular hills. This suggests that the association between the hills, mounds, Trees of Life and the triangles was already being made and understood by the very end of the Bronze Age. Did this iconography sow the seeds out of which grew the fully propagated Iron Age Tree of Life capitals, with their elaborate and luxuriant foliage? If this is the case, then it was only after a two hundred year period of incubation, during the so called “Dark Ages”, that the more ornate Iron Age

19. Porada 1988, p. 303.20. Bushnell 2005.. Bushnell 2005.

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designs began to take root and flourish. Other studies have pointed to the development of a common cultural identity across Cyprus at this time, forged during the 11th century B.C. The picture emerging is of an embattled community that developed a new social order leading to the emergence of a distinct new cultural identity, which incorporated certain Hellenising elements.21 Nevertheless, as Gaber noted at Idalion, many of the ritual features of Iron Age worship have more in common with Israelite and Canaanite cult practices than with anything known from the Aegean world,22 while studies of the proto-Aeolic architecture of the ashlar built-tombs of the Archaic Period indicate local and Phoenician origins and influences.23 Although this association between the triangles and the trees may be attested most early at the Maa-Palaekastro site, it did not remain limited to this area or indeed to Cyprus, but became a regionally recognised motif.

The question has often been asked, where did these symbols originate? As if they can be traced back in time to some ultimate underlying truth. This approach is often referred to as “motif tracking”, and this is not the methodology that is followed here. Although some aspects of the Iron Age iconography do seem to have been partly the result of incoming influence from Mycenaean world, it is not intended that this should trigger renewed efforts to interpret Iron Age Cyprus within a Mycenaean narrative paradigm, with frequent references to Homer.

Rather than narrowing the focus of the study to one channel of influence, the final task was to carry out a wider area survey of the surrounding regions, of polities contemporaneous with Geometric and Archaic Cyprus, and to establish if similar sets of traditional ideas and motifs could be identified, and in fact they were in almost every case.

The significance of hilltops as sacred places was in no way unique to Iron Age Cyprus. As has been mentioned, hilltop “refuge sites” were a feature of early Iron Age Crete, but they were also a characteristic of the Syro-Hittite world, where sacred mountains, Tepes, höyüks and Tells were common and significant features of the landscape, and were frequently the locations of settlements and forts. Further south, “Bamah” High Places were common sites for sanctuaries and temples in Iron Age Israel and the Phoenician world,24 while in the Egyptian world the “Mound of Creation” was an important fundamental aspect of their earliest mythology, and was juxtaposed with the low inhabited rises along the Nile River. These mounds remained above the flood waters of the annual inundations, and so were places where temples and palaces could be built. Further to the east in Mesopotamia, ziggurats were built as artificial mountains and were likewise integral parts of a cosmology and mythology. Near Ugarit, the great Mount Aqraa was long considered to be a sacred mountain and the home of Ba’al and Anat. On a smaller scale, tumulus

21. Steel 2009, p. 171.. Steel 2009, p. 171.22. Gaber 2008, p. 60.. Gaber 2008, p. 60.23. Christou 1986; Lightbody 2008, p. 304; Walcher 2009; Franklin 2011.. Christou 1986; Lightbody 2008, p. 304; Walcher 2009; Franklin 2011.24. Markoe 2000, p. 126.. Markoe 2000, p. 126.

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tombs became a common feature of Iron Age burial practice across Anatolia, and it is notable that at Salamis on Cyprus, where there are no available natural hilltops in the flat surrounding landscape, the largest tumulus tomb known on the island was built; the huge mound of Tomb 3. The mound then was a feature of significance in all of the surrounding regions.

ConclusionsThe preliminary conclusions of the research suggest that the Iron Age iconography

was the result of a re-organisation and re-development of familiar themes from the palace based “International Period” repertoire of motifs, from the Late Bronze Age.25 On Cyprus, the re-development began at the end of the Bronze Age, and then after a slow incubation through the “Dark Ages” the first shoots of the iconography that adorned the new Iron Age cities emerged. During the Geometric Period, and then the Archaic Period, the iconography slowly consolidated and became more formalised and elaborate, and finally developed into the highly regulated and more rigid floral designs that are seen on the Cesnola Sarcophagus, and on the door jambs and lintels of the fine built-tombs at Tamassos, for example.

The iconography was derived from the traditional Bronze Age themes, yet it seems to have been reworked to reflect the new reality of the defended hilltop settlements and sanctuaries of the Iron Age, rather than the defunct palatial networks of the previous era.26

Public symbols can promote social cohesion and communicate ideas to a wider population. It seems that the metaphors associated with the Trees of Life communicated the new reality of Iron Age Cyprus. The triangles on the capitals, the mounds and flowering volutes, and perhaps even the cone shaped baetyls, seem to have been integral parts of the new iconographic public communication system that adorned the portable material culture, the architecture, the settlement and the landscape.

Rather than being the result of one dominant group invading an otherwise homogeneous island community, the evidence suggests that the traditions that developed on Iron Age Cyprus were hybridised from many regional traditions, to create new and unique forms that were inter-related, but which varied from city kingdom to city kingdom according to local idiosyncrasies. Each polity attempted to reconcile the different social traditions that were impinging on it, and to hybridise them into a new local variety. By referencing several different but related ideas at once, the trees and triangles mediated between different local and regional traditions and practices that had converged on Cyprus.

Finally, the question has to be asked, to what extent was this deliberate policy, propaganda, or was this a more gradual process of cultural hybridisation? To what extent was there an attempt to achieve ethno-genesis on Cyprus, or to what extent was there a

25. Feldman 2006.. Feldman 2006.26. Steel 2009, p. 170. . Steel 2009, p. 170.

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natural process, slowly integrating the different populations and traditions that met and mixed on Cyprus after the end of the Bronze Age?

Building on existing studies,27 my theoretical work on cultural hybridisation indicates that, over time, any community attempts to reconcile the different cultural traditions acting on it. Social stresses, due to differing cultural systems and social groups, can be mediated and resolved through the process of material cultural hybridisation. In this respect, symbols are highly important. Any process whereby different symbols and traditions can be reconciled with each other and synthesised into new hybrid motifs can benefit the health of a community, and help to integrate different parts into one new whole. As the prevalent sign of the city, the hybridised Tree of Life could literally bring peace, prosperity and health to the kingdoms where it evolved and was displayed.

Interpreting iconography in this way, as material culture within a landscape and settlement context, and with respect to the fundamental daily concerns and beliefs of the inhabitants, leads to conclusions that do not necessarily conform to traditional understandings of these symbols. Nevertheless, this archaeology-focussed approach is perhaps proving to be more fruitful than the rather dry and isolated culture-historical28 and art-historical approaches, which tended to be overly focussed on motif tracking, “original” essential meanings and distinct ethnic and cultural groupings, and which have not provided any explanation for this complex and unique iconography seen on the Cypriot material. It is to be hoped that other archaeologists will apply this new theory and methodology of contexts and hybridisation to other motifs, and that it will yield significant and improved results.

University of GlasgowAcknowledgements This paper is based on a presentation given to the POCA conference at the Maison de l’Orient

et de la Méditerranée (MOM) Jean Pouilloux at the Lumière University Lyon 2, France, on 21st October 2011. I would like to thank the organisers again for an excellent and enjoyable conference. I would also like to thank my doctoral supervisor Dr. Michael Given for all of the professional help he has given me during these last four years, which has enabled me to put forth these ideas.

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