VOLUME 10:1 spring 2013

Repenser l’équité en Inde et au Québec: veRs des socIétés

InclusIves

Rethinking equity in Quebec and India: towaRds InclusIve socIetIes

La Chaire poursuit les objectifs suivants:

• Assurer une meilleure coordination de la recherchecanadienne sur le rôle de l’éducation en matière de rapports ethniques, notamment par l’intensification des comparaisons interprovinciales et l’intégration desperspectivesdisciplinaires.

• Soutenirl’émergenceetlepartaged’unsavoirsocialementpertinent ainsi que son appropriation par les décideurs,intervenantsscolairesetorganismescommunautaires.

• Accentuer la visibilité de l’expertise canadienne au planinternational et favoriser le développement des parte-nariatsavecdiverspaysd’immigrationoupaysmulticul-turelsenémergence.

• Soutenirlaformationetl’échangeinterprovincialetinter-nationaldesfutursetnouveauxchercheurs.

Sonprogramme,quiprivilégieuneperspectivecomparativeetinternationale,apourthèmegénérallerôledel’éducationformelledanslemaintienetlatransformationdesrapportsethniques.Ilcomportetroisgrandsaxes:

Axe1: Culture,socialisation,curriculum

Axe2:Égalitédeschancesetéquité

Axe3:Politiquesetpratiquesdans uneperspectivecomparative

La Chaire organise régulièrement des conférences-midi etdes séminaires réunissant chercheurs et praticiens ainsiqu’un évènementmajeur annuel. Ellemène également descollaborations avec des universités indiennes dont Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) et la National University of Educational Planning and Administration (NUEPA) surdiversenjeuxliésàl’éducationetaupluralisme.

TheChairhasthefollowingmandates:

• Todevelopandstrengthenresearchactivitiesinthefieldofethnic relations, particularly by exploring new researchproblems and approaches and defining programswith acomparativeandinternationalperspective;

• To contribute to the dissemination and exchange ofknowledgeinthefieldofethnicrelations,particularlybyforging ties with other researchers and various playerswithinthecommunity;

• To play a role in establishing new faculty and inter- faculty teaching programs at the undergraduate andgraduatelevels.

Themainfocusofthisprogram,throughitscomparativeandinternationalperspective,istheroleofformaleducationin

the maintenance and transformation of ethnic relations. Ithasthreemaincomponents:

Component 1:Culture,Socialization,Curriculum

Component 2: EqualOpportunitiesandEquity

Component 3: PoliciesandPracticesfrom aComparativePerspective

The Chair regularly organizes lunchtime conferences andseminars, as well as a major annual event, which enableresearchersandpractitionerstocometogetheranddiscussrelated topics. She is also pursuing collaborations with Indian universities, such as Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU)andtheNational University of Educational Planning and Administration(NUEPA),onavarietyofissuesrelatedtoeducationandpluralism.

La Chaire de reCherChe du Canada sur L'ÉduCation et Les rapports ethniques (Crsh)

www.Chereum.umontreaL.Ca

www.Chereum.umontreaL.Ca

the Canada researCh Chair on eduCation and ethniC reLations (sshrC)

Volume 10:1 spring 2013

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introduction - repenser l'équité en inde et au québec: Vers des sociétés inclusivesMarieMcAndrew,PritiSinghetÉmilieParent

Part 1 – resPonding to the challenges of diversity: governments' and non-state actors' Policies, Programs and actions

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the inclusion of minorities in india: the Legal and political FrameworkL’inclusion des minorités en Inde: Les encadrements légaux et politiquesKumarSuresh(NationalUniversityofEducationalPlanningandAdministration,NewDelhi)AkhtarMajeed(HamdardUniversity,NewDelhi)

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quebec immigration, integration and interculturalism policy: a Critical assessmentLa politique québécoise d’immigration, d’intégration et d’interculturalisme: Un bilan critiqueMarieMcAndrew(UniversitédeMontréal)SébastienArcand(ÉcoledesHautesÉtudesCommerciales,Montréal)

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the muslim Community in india: the implementation of the sachar report recommendationsLa communauté musulmane en Inde: La mise en œuvre des recommandations du rapport SacharAbdulNafey(JawaharlalNehruUniversity,NewDelhi)

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the story of montreal: a Cosmopolitan metropolis without a municipal policy?L’Histoire de Montréal: Une métropole cosmopolite dépourvue d’une politique municipale?AnnickGermain(CentreUrbanisationCultureSociété,Institutnationaldelarecherchescientifique,Montréal)

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the role of ngo's in the integration of immigrants in montreal: the example of south asiansLe rôle des ONG dans l’intégration des immigrants à Montréal: L’exemple des Sud-AsiatiquesAnnaMariaFiore(CentreUrbanisationCultureSociété,Institutnationaldelarecherchescientifique,Montréal)

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introduction - rethinking equity in india and quebec: towards inclusive societiesMarieMcAndrew,PritiSinghandÉmilieParent

Part 2 – secularism, religious diversity and ethnic relations

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the secular state in quebec: Configuration and debatesL’état laïque au Québec: Configuration et débatsMichelineMilot(UniversitéduQuébecàMontréal)

44

Visions of secularism in indiaLes visions de la laïcité en IndeSwahaDas(UniversityofDelhi)HariNair(BirlaInstituteofTechnologyandScience,Pilani)

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religious diversity in quebec, real and imagined, Visible and invisibleLa diversité religieuse au Québec, réelle et imaginaire, visible et invisibleGéraldineMossière(UniversitédeMontréal)DeirdreMeintel(UniversitédeMontréal)

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Christian minority in indian multicultural diversity: issue of equity, identity and empowermentLa minorité chrétienne dans la diversité indienne: Enjeux d'équité, d'identité et d'habilitationChristopherS.Raj(JahawarlalNehruUniversity,NewDelhi)

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reinterpreting the Fast for the Longevity of the husband: a Case study of women’s agency in a hindu temple in montrealRéinterpréter le jeûne pour la longévité du mari: L’agentivité des femmes dans un temple hindou à MontréalAnne-LaureBetbederLauque(UniversitéduQuébecàMontréal)

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studying traditional healing among religious minorities in india: the perspective of a graduate student from quebecLa guérison traditionnelle chez les minorités religieuses en Inde: La perspective d’une étudiante québécoiseÉmilieParent(UniversitédeMontréal)

CourrierCourrier, AEC, 1822A, rue Sherbrooke Ouest, Montréal (Québec) H3H 1E4.Ou par courriel à <sarah.kooi@acs-aec.ca> Vos lettres peuvent être modifiées pour des raisons éditoriales.

LettersLetters, ACS, 1822A Sherbrooke Street West, Montreal, Quebec, H3H 1E4. Or e-mail us at <sarah.kooi@acs-aec.ca>Your letters may be edited for length and clarity.

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Canadian Diversity is a quarterly publication of the Association for Canadian

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Diversité canadienne est publié parCanadian Diversity is published by

RÉDACTEUR EN CHEF / EDITOR-IN-CHIEFJack Jedwab

DIRECTRICE à lA RÉDACTION / MANAGING EDITORSarah Kooi

AssIsTANTE ÉDITORIAl / EDITORIAl AssIsTANT:Victoria Chwalek & Marie-Kristine Landry

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PRÉsIDENT / PREsIDENTJocelyn Letourneau, Université Laval

PRÉsIDENTE sORTANTE / OUTGOING PREsIDENTMinelle Mahtani, University of Toronto

PRÉsIDENT D'HONNEUR / HONORARy CHAIRThe Hon. Herbert Marx

sECRÉTAIRE DE lANGUE FRANçAIsE ET TRÉsORIER / FRENCH-lANGUAGE sECRETARy AND TREAsURERVivek Venkatesh, Concordia University

sECRÉTAIRE DE lANGUE ANGlAIsE / ENGlIsH-lANGUAGE sECRETARyLloyd Wong, University of Calgary

REPRÉsENTANTE ÉTUDIANTE / sTUDENTs’ REPREsENTATIVECeline Cooper, University of Toronto

REPRÉsENTANTE DE lA COlOMBIE-BRITANNIqUE ET DU yUkON / BRITIsH COlUMBIA AND yUkON REPREsENTATIVETBC/ À confirmer

REPRÉsENTANT DU qUÉBEC / qUEBEC REPREsENTATIVEYolande Cohen, UQAM

REPRÉsENTANTE DE l’ONTARIO / ONTARIO REPREsENTATIVEEve Haque, Ryerson University

REPRÉsENTANT DEs PRAIRIEs ET DEs TERRITOIREs DU NORD-OUEsT / PRAIRIEs AND NORTHwEsT TERRITORIEs REPREsENTATIVEDominique Clément, University of Alberta

REPRÉsENTANT DE l’ATlANTIqUE / ATlANTIC PROVINCEs REPREsENTATIVEChedly Belkhodja, Université de Moncton

DIRECTEUR GÉNÉRAl DE l’AEC / ExECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF THE ACsJack Jedwab

DIRECTRICE ADjOINTE / AssIsTANT DIRECTORJulie Perrone

DIRECTEUR DEs PROGRAMMEs ET ADMINIsTRATION / DIRECTOR OF PROGRAMMING AND ADMINIsTRATIONJames Ondrick

DIRECTRICE DEs PUBlICATIONs / DIRECTOR OF PUBlICATIONsSarah Kooi

Volume 10:1 spring 2013

Part 3 – the role of education and of the media in building an inclusive society

70

Balancing diversity and Common socialization: Comparing educational debates in india and quebecL’équilibre entre la diversité et la socialisation commune: Une comparaison des débats éducatifs en Inde et au QuébecMarieMcAndrew(UniversitédeMontréal)NajmaAkhtar(NationalUniversityofEducationalPlanningandAdministration,NewDelhi)

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study trips to india: a tool in the intercultural training of teachersLes voyages d'étude en Inde: Un outil pour la formation interculturelle des enseignantsFernandOuellet(UniversitédeSherbrooke)

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Casting the “other”: the treatment of muslims in quebec and indian textbooksL’autre et sa représentation: Le traitement des musulmans dans les manuels scolaires au Québec et en IndeRatnaGhosh(McGillUniversity,Montreal)AminaTriki-Yamani(UniversitédeMontréal)

86

the school integration of south asian Youth in a Francophone society: the role of the education systemL'intégration scolaire des jeunes Sud-Asiatiques dans une société francophone: Le rôle du système d’éducationMahsaBakhshaei(UniversitédeMontréal)

91

access to higher education among marginalized groups in india: obstacles and promising avenuesL’accès des groupes marginalisés aux études supérieures en Inde: Obstacles et voies d'avenirNajmaAkhtar,(NationalUniversityofEducationalPlanningandAdministration,NewDelhi)B.K.Panda,(NationalUniversityofEducationalPlanningandAdministration,NewDelhi)

96

public opinion and media treatment of the “reasonable accommodation” crisis in quebecOpinion publique et traitement médiatique de la crise des «accommodements raisonnables»JackJedwab(AssociationforCanadianStudies,Montreal)MarysePotvin(UniversitéduQuébecàMontréal)

Part 4 – combating inequality and insuring equity

102

equity and inequalities in india: multiple realities and interpretationL’équité et les inégalités en Inde: Interprétations et réalités multiplesKarineBates(UniversitédeMontréal)PritiSingh(JahawarlalNehruUniversity,NewDelhi)

107

ethnicity and economic inequalities in quebec: an overviewEthnicité et inégalités économiques au Québec: Un aperçuJacquesLedent(CentreUrbanisationCultureSociété,Institutnationaldelarecherchescientifique,Montréal)

114

affirmative action in quebec and india: an assessment of outcomes and unexpected ConsequencesL'action positive au Québec et en Inde: Une évaluation des résultats et des conséquences imprévuesÉricCharest(Écolenationaled'administrationpublique,Montréal)Marie-ThérèseChicha(UniversitédeMontréal)PritiSingh(JawaharlalNehruUniversity,NewDelhi)

120

the role of ethnic statistics in indian anti-discrimination policiesLe rôle des statistiques ethniques dans les politiques antidiscriminatoires en IndeKalpanaGopalan(IndianInstituteofManagement,Bangalore)

125

dimensions of social Banking and Financial inclusion programs in india: Lessons from desjardinsLes activités bancaires socialement responsables et l’inclusion financière en Inde: Leçons de l’expérience de DesjardinsAmitRanjan(JawaharlalNehruUniversity,NewDelhi)BenoitTremblay(ÉcoledesHautesÉtudesCommerciales,Montréal)

130

Building partnerships and reviewing approaches for equitable access to health CareLa création de partenariats et l’étude des approches pour un accès équitable aux soins de santéBilkisVissandjée(UniversitédeMontréal)JayaSingh(SaveaMother,India)LakhsmiLingan(TataInstituteofSocialSciencesResearch,Mumbai)

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introduction - rePenser l’ÉquitÉ en inde et au quÉbec: vers des sociÉtÉs inclusivesMarie Mc Andrew, Priti Singh et Émilie Parent

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Ence21esiècle,laquestiondesrelationsentregroupesethniques définis par des marqueurs variés tels que lalangue,lacultureoulareligion,s’imposeplusquejamais.Plusieurssociétés,qu’ellesaientétésounonmarquéesparunediversitéhistoriqueprofonde,ontététransforméesparl’intensification et la diversification des flux migratoiresau niveau international ou national. De plus, alors queplusieurs analystes avaient prédit que l’ethnicité joueraitun rôle moins important pour les individus et pour lesgroupesà la suitede lamondialisationetde l’émergencede nouvelles solidarités, elle constitue encore un facteurmajeurdans l’explicationde lapersistancedes inégalités.Son rôle dans la mobilisation politique sur une baseidentitaires’estaussiaccrusignificativementetce,autantauseindesmajoritésquedesminorités.

Alors que les divers modèles traditionnels decitoyenneté sont remis en question, d’importants débatssur la pertinence respective des diverses approchesde «gestion» de la diversité, telles que l’assimilation,l’intégration, l’interculturalisme ou lemulticulturalisme,connaissent un développement marqué. Ces questionsintéressentnonseulementleschercheursetlesdécideurs,mais également les citoyens «ordinaires». L’essentiel descontroverses porte sur la priorité et la conciliation dequatre objectifs sociétaux d’importance égale, souventcomplémentairesmaisparfoisconflictuels:lavalorisationdu pluralisme, l’actualisation de l’équité, le respect devaleurs démocratiques ainsi que la promotion d’unespace civique harmonieux. La recherche d’un équilibresouhaitableàcetégardnepeutêtrebasée seulement surdes considérations normatives. Elle nécessite, en effet,une analyse contextuelle comparative du degré auquelces objectifs sont atteints dans différentes sociétés, cequi a des conséquences immédiates sur la définitiondes encadrements institutionnels, des politiques, desprogrammesainsiquedesactionsquidevraientêtremisesenplace.

Certains considèrent que de telles comparaisonsne sont légitimesque si elles impliquentdes sociétésqui

appartiennent à des aires de civilisations communes ouconnaissent un niveau équivalent de développement, i.e. donc,pourl’essentiel,lespaysd’immigrationoccidentaux.

Cependant, un tel positionnement épistémologiquelimitegrandement lapertinencedetellesentreprises,caronexclutalors laplusgrandedémocratiemulticulturelledumonde, l’Inde, dont les expériences dans le domainede ladiversité,qu’elles soientpositivesounégatives, sontsusceptiblesdefaireémergerbiendesleçonspourd’autrespays. C’est pour cette raison que le Centre d’étudesethniques des universités montréalaises (CEETUM)et le Center for Canadian, US and Latin American Studies (CCULAS) ont initié une collaboration pourdévelopper la recherché et les échangesdans le domainedumulticulturalisme, du nationalisme, de la diversité etde l’équité,quiaculminéen2008par lasignatured’uneententedecoopérationofficielle,lapremièreàêtresignéedansledomainedessciencessocialesentreuneuniversitéindienneetuneuniversitécanadiennedelanguefrançaise.Après avoir organisé une première conference à Delhien 2005 intitulée Multiculturalism: Policy Concerns and Problem Area in Canada and India,cesdeuxinstitutionsont en effet été convaincues que le développement descomparaisonssurcetenjeus’imposait,spécialementavecle Québec, étant donné la spécificité de son contextesociologiqueetpolitique.Eneffet,mêmesi ladynamiquedes relations ethniques est beaucoup plus complexe enInde et que le pluralisme y origine non principalementde l’immigration mais essentiellement de nombreuxprocessus historiques, la construction d’une sociétéqui soit à la fois pluraliste et inclusive constitue un déficommundanslesdeuxsociétés.Ellespartagentégalementlamêmetensionentreunengagementmarquéenfaveurdulibéralismesurleplanlégal,lafortepopulariténormativedurépublicanismeoudunationalismeainsiquel’existenced’un communautarisme de facto prévalant au niveau dela société civile. Elles ont aussi connu des controversessimilairesportantsurlaplacedelareligiondansl’espacepublic,quiontremisenquestionleurmodèlecommunde

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repenser L’ÉquitÉ en inde et au quÉBeC: Vers des soCiÉtÉs inCLusiVes

Cependant, les articles que les lecteurs trouveront danscevolumenesontpaslesimplerefletdesprésentationsdonnéesdurantleséminaire,maisrésultentdeséchangestenusdurantcetévénement.Dans lamesuredupossible,nous avons encouragé des contributeurs indiens etquébécois à produire ensemble des articles comparatifs.Danslaplupartdesautrescas,lescontributionsquébécoisesou indiennes couvrent des enjeux similaires et reflètentdespréoccupationscommunes.Étantdonnél’importancegrandissantedelacommunautésud-asiatiqueauQuébec,nousavonsaussidemandéàcertainsexpertsdecedomainedepartagerleurréflexionsurdiversenjeuxquiconcernentcegroupedanslaprovince.

Les23articlesdanscevolumesontregroupésautourdequatregrandsthèmes,dontlapertinencescientifiqueetpolitiqueestévidente.Cinqarticlescouvrentlaquestiondurôledesacteursétatiquesetnon-étatiquesdanslagestiondesdéfisliésàladiversité.Sixarticlessepenchentsurlesquestionsentourantlalaïcitéetladiversitéreligieuse.Sixarticlesabordentlerôledel’éducationetdesmédiasdanslaconstructiond’unesociété inclusive.Et,enfin, lescinqderniersdiscutentcommentlesdeuxsociétéscombattentl’inégalité. Nous sommes particulièrement fières d’avoirréussi à convaincre tant de personnes d’origines et dedisciplinessidiversifiéesdecontribuerànotreprojet.Ducôtéquébécois,lesauteursproviennentdeseptuniversités,institutionspubliquesouassociationsde lasociétécivile.La contribution indienne est aussi impressionnante,avec des auteurs de sept institutions académiques,gouvernementales ou privées, situées dans quatre Étatsindiens.

Nous espérons que cette publication permettra auxlecteurs des deux contextes de mieux comprendre lesenjeux liésà l’équitéet ladiversitédans l’autresociétéetles convaincra de l’intérêt d’intensifier les collaborationsdans la recherchede solutions auxproblèmes communs.La revue devrait être particulièrement utile dans lesnombreux centres d’études canadiennes québécoisesou francophones qui connaissent un développementsignificatifenIndeetdanslepluspetitnombre,toutefoiscroissant,decentresd’étudesindiennesousud-asiatiquesauQuébec.Leslecteursindiensquiparlentouquiétudientle françaisainsiquecertains lecteursquébécoisqui sontmoinsàl’aiseaveclalangueanglaisetrouverontégalementunsommairetrèscomplet,de1000motsenfrançaisàlafindechaquearticle.

Nousn’aurionspaspumeneràbiencettepublicationsans le soutien généreux du SAIC du gouvernement duQuébec ainsi que celui d’autres partenaires, entre autresl’AEC, le CEETUM ainsi que la Chaire de recherche duCanada sur l’Éducation et les rapports ethniques. Nousaimerions remercier tout particulièrement, madame

laïcitéouverte,ainsiquesurleseffetslimitésdesapprochestraditionnellesdediscriminationpositivesurladiminutionsignificativedesinégalitésintergroupes.

Comment faire en sorte que l’accommodement despratiquesculturellessoitcompatibleaveclelibéralismeetlesdroitshumains,ettoutspécialementl’égalitédessexes?Devrions-nous mieux définir les limites de la diversitédans un contexte où le fondamentalisme religieux esten croissance? Les différents programmes d’affirmationpositive visant à combattre les inégalités ont-ils étéefficacesou,aucontraire,ont-ilsessentiellementcontribuéà accentuer les différences de classe à l’intérieur desgroupes-cibles?Jusqu’àquelpointledébatactuelautourdupluralismeest-ilassociéàuneaugmentationdesinégalitésentre groupes ethniques, linguistiques et religieux ainsiqu’àunepromotiondes attitudesoudes comportementsintolérants? Quel devrait être le rôle à cet égard deuxinstitutionsmajeuresauseindessociétésdémocratiques,l’éducationetlesmédias?

C’est ce type de questions, parmi d’autres, que 20 experts indiens et québécois d’origines et de disci- plines diverses ont discuté durant le séminaire inter-national «Repenser l’équité en Inde et au Québec: vers des sociétés inclusives », tenu àMontréal le 27 novembre2011. Le séminaire a été soutenu par le Secrétariat auxAffaires intergouvernementales canadiennes (SAIC) dugouvernementduQuébecetco-organiséparleCEETUMetleCCULAS,avecl’aidededeuxnouveauxpartenaires,lePôlederecherchesurl’AsieduSud(PRIAS)del’Universitéde Montréal et l’Association des études canadiennes(AEC).Leséminaireaaussiréuni,sur invitation,unpluslarge public de chercheurs, d’étudiants et de partenairesdes divers niveaux de gouvernement et d’organisationscommunautairesintéressésàlaquestion,quiontparticipéactivementauxdiscussions.

Le séminaire visait trois objectifs principaux: 1)permettreàungroupechoisidechercheursindiensetàungroupeélargidechercheursetdedécideursquébécoisde se familiariser avec leur contexte respectif de rela- tions ethniques, avec un accent particulier sur les ques-tions d’inclusion et d’équité; 2) soutenir l’identificationd’intérêts communs dans le domaine de la recherche oududéveloppementdespolitiquespubliqueset ce, tantauniveauthéoriqueetempiriquequepratique;3)permettrel’identification de projets de collaboration futurs etéventuellement,àmoyenterme,d’unagendaderecherchecommun.Lorsde ladernière sessiondu séminaire, il estapparu clairement que les échanges et les interactionsentre les participants avaient permis de développer uneatmosphère favorable à des collaborations futures. LapublicationdecenumérospécialdeDiversité canadienne représenteunpremierpasdanscettedirection.

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le directeur de l’axe Intégration des personnes issues de l’immigration: spatialité, économie et cohabitation, duCEETUM qui, de concert avec les trois coéditeurs, ont participé au comité éditorial. Finalement, nous avonsappréciélacoopérationrapideetlaflexibilitédesdifférentsauteurs dans la réponse aux commentaires de ce comitééditorial,cequiapermisde faireensortequecenuméro spécialsoitàlafoisd’uneexcellentequalitéacadémiqueetaccessibleàunlargepublic.

marie mc andrew, priti singh et ÉmiLie parent

Josée Bergeron, Conseillère du gouvernement québécoisauSAIC,pour son engagement en faveurduprojet.Nousvoulons également souligner l’apport de l’équipe del’AECquiaétéresponsablede l’éditionfinalede larevue,et plus particulièrement celle de Sarah Kooi, directricedes publications. Des remerciements spéciaux sont aussi adressés à Valérie Amiraux, la titulaire de la Chaire derechercheduCanada sur lepluralisme religieux, àKarine Bates, la directrice du PRIAS ainsi qu’à Jacques Ledent,

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introduction - rethinKing equity in india and quebec: toWards inclusive societiesMarie Mc Andrew, Priti Singh and Émilie Parent

In this new century, the issue of relations between“ethnic” groups, defined by various markers such aslanguage, culture or religion, ismore relevant than ever.Manysocieties,whetherornotmarkedbyadeephistoricaldiversity,havebeentransformedbytheintensificationandthediversificationofmigratoryfluxattheinternationalornational level. Moreover, while many analysts predictedthat ethnicity would become less salient for individualsandgroups,duetoglobalizationandtheemergenceofnewsolidarities, it is still amajor explanatory variable in thepersistence of inequalities. Its role as a basis for identitypolitics,whetherwithinmajoritiesorminorities,hasalsoincreasedsignificantly.

While traditional models of citizenship are beingchallenged, important debates on the respectiverelevance of various approaches to “manage” diversitysuch as assimilation, integration, interculturalism ormulticulturalism are thriving. These questions are ofinterest as much to researchers and decision-makersas to ordinary citizens. Controversies focus on thepriority and the conciliation of four equally importantsocial objectives, often complementary but sometimesconflictual:thevalorizationofpluralism,theactualizationof equity, the respect for democratic values and thefosteringofaharmoniouscivic space.Thesearch for therightequilibriumin this regardcannotbebasedonlyonnormativeconsiderations,butneedsacontextualanalysiscontrasting the extent to which these objectives areachievedinvarioussocieties,whichimpactsthedefinitionof institutional arrangements, policies, programs andactionsthatshouldbeputforward.

Often,suchcomparisonsaredeemedtobelegitimateonly when contrasting societies who share a commoncivilization or an equivalent level of development (e.g.western immigration countries). Nevertheless, such anepistemologicalpositionsignificantlylimitstherelevanceofsuchendeavours,asitexcludesthelargestmulticulturaldemocracyof theworld, India,whose experiences in thearea of diversity, both positive and negative, can bearmanylessonsforothercountries.WhichiswhytheCentre

d’études ethniques des universités montréalaises(CEETUM) and the Center for Canadian, US and LatinAmerican Studies (CCULAS) started a collaborationto foster research and exchanges in the areas ofmulticulturalism, nationalism, diversity and equity, thatculminatedin2008bythesigningofanofficialAOC,thefirstever in theareaof social sciencebetweenan IndianandafrancophoneCanadianuniversity.AfterorganizingaconferenceinDelhiin2005,onMulticulturalism: Policy Concerns and Problem Area in Canada and India, both institutions became convinced that more comparisonsonsuchtopicswerewarranted,especiallywithinQuebec,given its specific sociological andpolicy context. Indeed,even if the dynamic of ethnic relations is much morecomplex in Indiaandthatpluralismthereoriginatednotmainly from immigration but largely through layers ofhistorical processes, the construction of a pluralist but yet inclusive society constitutes a major challenge forboth societies. They share a common hiatus between astrong legalcommitment to liberalism,ahighnormativepopularityofrepublicanismornationalism,andadominantde factocommunautarismatthelevelofcivilsociety.Theyhave also experienced similar controversies on the placeof religion in the public space, which challenged theircommonmodelofopensecularism,aswellasonthelimitsof traditional approaches of positive discrimination toradicallydecreasedintergroupinequalities.

How can we ensure that the accommodation ofcultural practices be compatible with liberalism andhuman rights, especially gender equality? Should webetterdefinethelimitsofdiversityinacontextofgrowingreligious fundamentalism? To what extent have variousaffirmative action programs targeting inequality beensuccessfulorjustincreasedclassdifferenceswithintargetgroups? To what extent is the current debate aroundpluralismassociatedtoanincreaseininequalitybetweenethnic, linguisticandreligiousgroups,andtoa fosteringof intolerant attitudes or behaviours? What the specificroleoftwomajorinstitutionswithindemocraticsocieties,educationandthemedia,inthisregard?

8

articles are covering the topic of the role of educationand of the media in building an inclusive society. Thelast five articles discuss how both societies are fightinginequality.We are especially proud to have been able toconvincesomanypeople fromsuchdiversebackgroundsand disciplines to contribute to our endeavour. On theQuebecside,authorscomefromsevenuniversities,publicinstitutions or civil society associations. The Indiancontribution is also impressive: with authors from eightacademic, governments and private organizations fromfourIndianStates.

Wehopethatthispublicationwillallowreadersfromboth contexts to better understand issues of equity anddiversity in the other society, as well as convince themof the interest of increased collaboration in the searchfor solving common problems. The journal should beparticularly useful in the many centers for Canadian,QuebecorFrancophoneStudies thriving in India and inthe lesser,butgrowing ,numberof centers for IndianorSouthAsianStudiesinQuebecIndianreaderswhospeakorstudyFrenchaswellassomeQuebecreaderslessfamiliar withEnglishwillalsofindaverysubstantivesummaryof1000wordsinFrenchattheendofeacharticle.

The publication would have not been possiblewithoutthegeneroussupportoftheSAICoftheQuébecGovernmentandaswellasfromotherpartnersincludingthe Canada Research Chair on education and ethnicrelations , theACSandtheCEETUM.Wewishtothankespecially in this regardMs. Josée Bergeron, Advisor atGovernmentofQuebec,forhercommitmenttotheproject.We would also like to acknowledge the support of theACSteam,responsibleforthefinaleditionofthejournal,especially that of Sarah Kooi, Director of publications.SpecialthanksalsogotoValérieAmiraux,ChairHolderoftheCanadaresearchChaironstudiesofreligiousdiversityandethnicity,KarineBates,theDirectorofthePRIASandJacquesLedent,Co-Directorof theResearchcomponent:Integration of Immigrants: Spatial Factors, Economy and Cohabitation, of the Centre d’études ethniques desuniversitésmontréalaises, who, alongside with the threeeditors, participated in the editorial comity. Finally, wedid appreciate the timely cooperation and flexibility ofthevariousauthorsinrespondingtocommentsfromthiseditorial comity and ensuring that this special issue is both of excellent academic quality and accessible to a widerreadership.

It is such questions, among others, that 20 Indianand Quebec experts from diverse backgrounds anddisciplines addressed during the International Seminar“Rethinking Equity in India and Quebec: Towards Inclusive Societies”, held in Montreal on November 7th 2011. TheSeminar was supported by the Secrétariat aux Affairesintergouvernementalescanadiennes(SAIC)oftheQuebecGovernment and co-organizedby theCEETUMand theCCULAS, and two new partners, the Pôle de recherchesur l’Asie du Sud (PRIAS) of theUniversity ofMontréaland the Association for Canadian Studies (ACS). It alsogatheredawiderinvitedaudienceofresearchers,students,aswellaspartnersfromvariouslevelsofgovernmentandofcommunityorganizationsinterestedinthesubject,whoactivelyparticipatedtothediscussion.

TheSeminaraimedatthreemainobjectives:1)AllowselectedIndianresearchersandawidergroupofQuebecresearchersanddecision-makerstogetbetteracquaintedwith their respective context of ethnic relations, witha special focus on inclusion and equity; 2) Foster theidentification of common research interests or policyconcerns at the theoretical, empirical and practicallevels; 3) Serve as the basis for the definition of furthercollaborativeventuresaswellas, inthemiddlerun,foracommonresearchagenda.Itbecamequicklyapparentthattheexchangesand interactionsbetweenparticipantshadproducedanatmosphereinvitingtofurthercollaboration.The publication of this special issue of Canadian Diversity isthefirststepinthisregard.

Nevertheless, the articles readers will find in thisvolumearenotamerereflectionof thepaperspresentedduringtheSeminar,buttheresultsoftheexchangesheldduring the event. Whenever possible, we encouragedIndian and Quebec contributors to co-author commonarticles.Inmanyotherinstances,QuebecorIndianarticlescoversimilartopicsandmirrorcommonconcerns.Giventhe growing importance of the South Asian communityinQuébec,wehavealsosolicitedsomeexpertsinthefieldtooffertheirreflectiononvarious issuesconcerningthisgroup in theprovince.The23articles in thisvolumearegrouped around four main themes whose scientific andpolitical relevance isobvious.Five articles study the roleofthegovernmentalandnon-stateactorsinrespondingtothe challenge of diversity, trough policies, programs andactions. Six articles inquire about Secularism, religiousdiversity and ethnic relations in the two contexts. Six

marie mc andrew, priti singh and ÉmiLie parent

Cheque/Chèque

part 1Responding to the challenges of diversity:

Governments' and non-state actors' policies, programs and actions

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the inclusion of minorities in india: the legal and Political frameWorKKumar suresh, Professor, Department of Educational Administration, National University of Educational Planning and Administration, New Delhi.

akhtar majeed, Late Professor, Department of Political sciences and Director, Centre for Federal Studies, Hamdard University, New Delhi.

introductionThe state in India is constitutionally mandated to

accommodate diversity and difference arising out ofdifferential location of social and cultural groups. Thestateisadditionallyobligatedtoprotectandpromotetheidentityandrightsofminorities.HowthefederalstateinIndia has attempted to protect the distinctive identitiesandculturalpracticesofminoritiesandcreatedenablingspaceforpromotionofequitythroughanetworkofpublicinstitutions, and intervention through public policiesremainsacriticalareaofenquiry.Thepaperisanattempttoreflectonthis issue. Itexamineshowthe federalstateinIndiahascreatedspaceforaccommodatingminoritiesandtouchesupontheextent towhichthestate,over theyears,hasinitiatedpoliciesandprogrammesforpromotingequity and inclusion of minorities. Creating enablingconditionsforrealizingtheeconomicandpoliticalrightsofminoritiesisoneofthebasicrequisitesofaccommodation.HowthefederalstateinIndiahasbeenadvancingthisgoalthroughpolicyinterventionisoneofthecriticalconcernsofthepaper.

citizenshiP rights of equality and rights of cultural autonomy

Constitutionalprotectionandrecognitionofminoritiescanbe locatedboth in the contextof equality clausesofcitizenshiprightsanddifferentialrightsofautonomy.Theequalrightsofcitizenshipprovidedintheconstitutionareenablingrights.Theseentitlethemembersoftheminoritycommunities to claim equal treatment without beingdiscriminated against because of their socio-culturallocation and religious affiliation. The citizenship rightsof equality guaranteed under the Articles 14, 15(1) and29(2)of the IndianConstitutionareparticularly relevantin this regard. Besides equality rights of citizenship,minorities have also been provided distinctive rights forprotecting their autonomy sphere. Creating a sphere ofautonomy for groups and communities and protectingthem constitutionally and institutionally is envisaged

as a prerequisite of multicultural accommodation andits political and institutional manifestations in India.The fundamental rightsof religious freedomand secularpositioningof stateanddifferentaffirmativemeasuresofthe state towards protection and promotion of diversityandgroupdifferenceareimportantpointersinthisregard.The sphereof cultural autonomy in India canbe locatedinthreeinterrelatedcontexts:(a)freedomofreligionandconscienceasensuredundertheArticles25-28,(b) cultural andeducationalrightsguaranteedtominoritiesinArticles29 and 30 and (c) cultural autonomy guaranteed to alltribalgroupscoveredundertheprovisionsofthefifthandsixthSchedulesoftheconstitution(Suresh,2009).

Policy of secularism and religious freedomFreedom of Religion is ensured under the Articles

25-28 of the Constitution. This set of rights envisagessecularism as the fundamental principle, basic to theconstitutional structure of India. The principle ofsecularismispronouncedintheconstitutionalpositioningofthestateas“religionneutral,”meaningtherebythatthestateinIndiahasnoreligion.Thismayhavetwodifferentcontextual implications: (i) no preference to be given toany religion and there is no privileging of one over theother.Itadditionallyunderscoresthatnoreligionwouldbeunequallytreatedexceptinaccordancewiththedemandsof welfare and equalizing instance of the state, and (ii)non-intervention of the state in the religious affairs ofthe community,with exception of public order,moralityand health (Bhargava, 2010). In otherwords, the state issupposedtoactwithoutprejudiceanddiscrimination.Theissueofinter-groupequalityandfullenjoymentofreligiousfreedom is not as simple as it appears. The problem ofdiscrimination on grounds of religion and religiousintoleranceisexperiencedbyminoritiesinvariousforms.This limits the possibility of religious freedom, equalityrights of citizenship and the full realization ofminorityrights(Majeed,2004).

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Plural language Policy and Protection of linguistic minorities

The official language policy of the Union of Indiarecognizes the multilingual character of Indian society.It follows a plural language policy as a viable option toaddress the language issue in themultilingualcontextofIndia. However, the language policy of India constitutesa problematic site as it has its own criteria of languageclassification. This system recognizes and classifies alanguage by its inclusion in the Eighth Schedule. If alanguageisclassifiedasnationallanguageitisentitledforstatesupportandpatronage.However,theEighthScheduleoftheConstitutionofIndialistsonlytwenty-twolanguagesas national languages of India. All other languages areclassifiedas“dialects.”Mostof the languagesoutsidetheEighthSchedulearestrugglingforofficialrecognitionandstatepatronage.

Urdu, one of the national languages included in theEighthSchedule is generally associatedwith theMuslimminority community. In order to promote Urdu, theGovernmentofIndiahadsetuptheNationalCouncilforPromotionofUrduLanguage (NCPUL).TheCouncilhasbeenfunctioningsinceApril1996asanautonomousbodyforthepromotionofUrdu,ArabicandPersianlanguages.The Government has also set up the National Councilfor Promotion of Sindhi Language. However, minoritylinguisticgroupshavetheirowngrievancesregardingthepromotionanddevelopmentoftheirrespectivelanguages.The official approach to language policy is subjectedto criticism because of its classification of languages indifferentcategories:nationallanguages,regionallanguages,dialectsandmothertongues.

On the protection of linguistic minorities theconstitutionofIndiamakesprovisionunderArticles29,30,Article350AandArticle350Boftheconstitution.Article350Aprovidesthatit“shallbetheendeavorofeverystateandofevery localauthoritytoprovideadequatefacilitiesforinstructioninthemothertongueattheprimarystageof education tochildrenbelonging to linguisticminoritygroups; and the President may issue such directions toanystateasheconsidersnecessaryorproperforsecuringthe provision of such facilities.” Article 350B says: “(i)There shall be a Special Officer for linguisticminoritiestobeappointedby thePresident. (ii) It shallbe thedutyoftheSpecialOfficertoinvestigateallmattersrelatingtothe safeguards provided for linguistic minorities underthisConstitutionandreport to thePresidentuponthosemattersatsuchintervalsasthePresidentmaydirect,andthePresidentshallcauseallsuchreportstobelaidbeforeeachHouseofParliament,andsenttotheGovernmentsoftheStatesconcerned.”AsapartoftheprovisionmadeinArticle 350B, theCommissioner for linguisticminorities

investigatesallmattersrelatingtosafeguardsprovidedforlinguistic minorities. Despite constitutional protection,theproblemofprotectingthelinguisticminoritiesremainsbaffling. Many languages are subject to neglect in theabsenceofstatesupport.

creation of institutional mechanismsInspiteofthesafeguardsprovidedintheConstitution

and the laws in place, the incidence of violence anddiscriminationwaswidelyreportedespeciallyduringthefirst three decades of independence. In order to addressthis problem, the Government of India established theMinorities Commissionin1978,consistingofaChairmanandtwoothermembers.ThoughtheCommissionwasgivenawidearrayoffunctions,therewasalackofcorrespondingpower.It functionedasanon-statutorybodyfor14yearsuntil the Parliament enacted the National Minorities Act in 1992, changing the name of the Commissionto National Commission for Minorities and giving it astatutorystatus.TheNational Commission for Minorities (NCM)nowconsistsofaChairperson,aVice-ChairpersonandfivemembersnominatedbytheCentralGovernment.Fivemembersincludingthechairpersonmustbefromtheminoritycommunities.TheCommissionworksundertheMinistryofMinorityAffairsoftheGovernmentofIndia.Themain functionof theCommission is tomonitor theworkingofthesafeguardsprovidedintheConstitutionandlawsenactedbyParliamentand theStateLegislatures. Italsoinvestigatesspecificcomplaintsregardingdeprivationof rights and safeguardsofminorities and takesup suchmatterswiththeappropriateauthorities.

The Minorities Commission (1978-1991) and thestatutorybodyoftheNationalCommissionforMinorities(1992-till date) have not been very effective because of anumberofconstraintsincludingtheoperationaldynamicsofpoliticsandlimitedpower.

A significant interventionby the federal governmenttowardstheprotectionandpromotionofminorityrightsis the creationof theNationalCommission forMinorityEducational Institutions (NCMEI) which has beenestablished through the promulgation of an Ordinance in2004.TheCommissionismandatedtolookintospecificcomplaints regarding deprivation or violation of rightsof minorities to establish and administer educationalinstitutions of their choice as enshrined in Article 30of the Constitution.This was an attempt to redress thegrievances of minority educational institutions. ThisCommission acts as a quasi-judicial body and has beenendowed with the powers of a Civil Court. It has threerolesnamelyadjudicatoryfunction,advisoryfunctionandrecommendatorypowers.

Kumar suresh and aKhtar majeed

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Thoughitistooearlytopassanyauthenticjudgmentabouttheeffectivenessoftheinstitution,acriticalreviewof thepowerandcompetenceof the institution indicatesthat the institution can go a long way in protecting therightsoftheminorityeducationalinstitutions.

affirmative action and caPacity building Programmes

A number of affirmative measures have beeninitiatedbythefederalstateduringthepasttwodecadesfor the welfare, development and overall protection ofminorities. The efforts are directed towards correctingthe imbalances, which have emerged over a period oftime.TheGopalSinghCommittee,constitutedunderthechairmanship of Gopal Singh back in 1983 had pointedoutthedeficitofdevelopmentandinter-groupinequality,for example among the Muslim minority. In order tocorrect this imbalance the first major public policyinterventioncameintheformofthe15PointProgrammein 1983 as guidelines to the states and union territories.Theobjectivewasthewelfareofminorities.The15PointProgramme focused on three critical areas of minorityprotection anddevelopment: (i) prevention andadequatemeasure of checking the communal riots; (ii) ensuringadequate representation ofminorities in the work force;and (iii) improvement of the socio-economic conditionsof minorities through specifically focused programmes.Theambitofthe15PointProgrammehasbeenexpandedsignificantlyinrecentyearsinthelightoftheobservationsand recommendation of the Sachar Committee, a highpowercommitteeconstitutedbythegovernmentofIndiato study and report on the socio-economic status of theMuslim Minority (Government of India, 2006). In itsReportsubmittedin2006,theCommitteepointedoutthebackwardnessoftheMuslimminoritygroups.In lightofthese developments, the 15 Point Programme has beenrecast. The Prime Minister’s New 15 Point Programmehasawidercoverage,addressingtheoveralldevelopmentofminorities.The focus areasof theprogramme includeenhancing both the opportunities for education andthe equitable representation of minorities in economicactivitiesandinthejobmarket.

Asapartoftheaffirmativeaction,differentministriesof the federal government have initiated programmesand schemes specifically directed towards enhancingeducationalandemploymentopportunitiesforminorities,especiallyMuslims.Inordertoenhanceopportunities ineducation, the ongoing programmeshave been extendedspecifically to the minority areas. Modernization ofmadrasas (educational institutions), the improvementof their quality of education and of their infrastructure,an equitable and accessible education, and scholarshipschemes for the students belonging to the minoritycommunities are some of the areas inwhich the federalgovernmenthasintervened.

Similarly, in order to expand economic andemploymentopportunities, a varietyofprogrammesandsupport systems have been created. The establishmentof the National Minorities Development and FinanceCorporation(NMDFC) in1994ontherecommendationsof the National Commission for Minorities is one suchmeasure.Themajorobjectivesofthecorporationinclude:promotingeconomicanddevelopmentalactivitiesforthebenefitofbackwardsectionsamongstminorities,assistingindividualsorgroupsofindividualsbelongingto“belongingto aminority” by way of loans and credits, establishingeconomicallyandfinanciallyviableschemesandprojects;promoting self-employment and other ventures for thebenefit of minorities; extensions of loans and credit tothe eligiblemembers ofminorities for pursuing general/professional/technical education or training at graduateand higher levels; assisting the state-level organizationsfordealingwiththedevelopmentofminoritiesbywayofprovidingfinancial assistanceorequitycontributionandinobtainingcommercialfundingorbywayofrefinancing;working as an apex institution for coordinating andmonitoring the work of the corporation/boards/otherbodies setupby theStateGovernments/UnionTerritoryAdministrationsfor,orgiventheresponsibilityof,assistingminoritiesintheireconomicdevelopment.

There are different schemes initiated by theNMFDC.TheLoanschemeisoneofthemostimportantcomponentsoftheseactivities.Fourdifferentcategoriesofloanschemesareprovidedtotheminoritycommunitiesthrough NMFDC. These include: 1) term loan schemefor any commercially viable and technically feasibleventure;2)marginmoneyloanschemetogivemonetaryassistance to beneficiaries; 3) education loan scheme withtheaimoffacilitatingjob-orientededucationamongtheweakersectionofminorities;and4)micro-financingschemes,providingmicro-credit to thepoorest throughNGO's. Other schemes include vocational training tomembersofminoritycommunities,marketingassistanceto craft persons, and assistance fordesigndevelopmentandskillsdevelopment.

Furthermore, ninety districts of the country, havinglarge minority populations, have been identified asbackward. These districts constitute the major focus ofprogrammesandschemesdirected towardsdevelopmentand inclusion. Similarly capacity building programmesamong the members of minority communities are inoperation. Coaching schemes for disadvantaged groupsincluding minority students are being supported by thegovernment within and outside the university system.Special training and programmes for skill building havebeen initiated keeping the minority community at thecentreoffocus.

the inCLusion oF minorities in india: the LegaL and poLitiCaL FrameworK

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Kumar suresh and aKhtar majeed

conclusionIt is then evident that the federal state in India has

created space for the protection of minorities and thepromotionofequityandinclusionthroughthemechanismofconstitutionalengineering,thenetworkofnecessitatedinstitutions and an array of public policies includingaffirmative action and capacity building programmes.Theprovisionsappeartobecomprehensiveandinclusive.But the gap between policy and practice still exists.TheSachar Committee Report clearly points to the deficitsof democracy and development and the exclusion of alarge section of minority population. This is indicativeof the deficient functioning of the federal state so far asthe issueof equity, security and inter-group equality areconcerned. Unless the gap between policies and theiractualimplementationisbridged,therecanhardlybeanypossibility of equity and inter-group-equality.Minoritieswillcontinuetolagbehind.

reFerenCes

Bhargava, Rajeev [2010]The Promise of India’s Secular Democracy.NewDelhi:Oxford University Press.

Majeed, Akhtar (Ed.) [2004] Federalism Within the Union. NewDelhi:Manak.

Government of India [2006] Social, Economic and Educational Status of the Muslim Community of India: A Report. New Delhi:GovernmentofIndia.

Suresh, Kumar [2009]Pluralism and Accommodation of Minorities and Deprived Groups in India.NewDelhi:Manak

l'inclusion des minoritÉs en inde: les encadrements lÉgauX et Politiques

Envertudesaconstitution,l'Étatindienal'obliga-tion de protéger et de promouvoir l'identité et lesdroits des minorités. Les membres de ces minoritéssont reconnus comme citoyens à part égale et leuridentité distincte est protégée. Les droits fondamen-taux concernant d’une part, la liberté de religion etle positionnement laïque de l'État, et d’autre part,les différentes mesures d'affirmation favorisant laprotection et lapromotionde ladiversité, constituentd’importants mécanismes constitutionnels. L’auto-nomieculturelleenIndesetrouvedanstroiscontextesdifférentsmaisinterdépendants:(a)lalibertédereligionetdeconscience,assuréeparlesarticles25à28,(b)lesdroitsculturelsetéducatifsgarantispourlesminoritésdans les articles 29 et 30 et (c) l'autonomie culturellegarantiepourlesgroupestribaux,tantpourceuxvivantsurunmêmeterritoirequepourceuxquisontdisperséssur le territoire, en vertu des dispositions des 5e et 6eréservationsdanslaconstitution.

La liberté de religion est garantie en vertu desarticles25à28delaConstitution.Lalaïcitéyestdéfiniecommeleprincipefondamentalàlabasedelastructureconstitutionnelle de l'Inde. Le principe de laïcité faitpartie de la position constitutionnelle de l’État et desa«neutralitéreligieuse»;iln’yadoncpasdereligionpropre à l’Inde. Cela peut avoir deux implicationscontextuelles: (i) aucune religion ne sera favorisée ouprivilégiée par rapport à une autre. Cela sous-entend

qu’aucune religion ne sera traitée injustement, sauf sic’estnécessairepourlebien-êtredel'Étatetsesobjectifsde société égalitaire, (ii) la non-intervention de l'État dans les affaires religieuses des différentes commu-nautés, à l'exception des interventions concernantla sécurité, la moralité publique et la santé. Dans uncontextedegrandediversitéreligieuse,etenprésenced'unereligionmajoritaireetdenombreusesminoritésreligieuses,l'Étatsedoitd’agirpourmaintenirl’égalitéentrelesgroupes,sanspréjugésetsansdiscrimination.

La politique indienne des langues officiellesreconnaîtlecaractèremultilinguedelasociétéindienne.Elle suit une politique linguistique plurielle, uneoptionviablepourrépondreàlaquestiondelalanguedans le contexte multilingue de l'Inde. Cependant,cette politique linguistique est problématique carelle est régie par ses propres critères de classificationlinguistique.Lesystèmedeclassificationrésultedanslareconnaissanceet lanon-reconnaissanced'une langueet son inclusion dans la 8e réserve. Si une langue estclasséecommelanguenationale,elleadroitausoutiende l'État. Toutefois, la 8e réserve de la Constitutionidentifie seulement 22 langues comme langues offici-elles.Toutes lesautres sontclasséescommedialectes.La Constitution indienne prévoit des mesures pourprotéger les minorités linguistiques (articles 29, 30,350Aet350BdelaConstitution).

L'État indien a créé certains mécanismesinstitutionnelsdont l'objectifprincipalestd'assurer laprotectionet lapromotionde l'identitédesminorités,ainsi que d’assurer l’équité parmi les communautés

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the inCLusion oF minorities in india: the LegaL and poLitiCaL FrameworK

minoritaires. La National Commission for Minorities (NCM), la National Commission for Minority Educational Institutions(NCMEI),ainsiquelaNational Minorities Development and Finance Corporation (NMDFC) sont particulièrement importantes à cetégard. Tous ces mécanismes institutionnels ontdes mandats et des objectifs variés, mais travaillentcollectivementàlaprotectiondesminorités.

Au cours des deux dernières décennies, lespolitiques publiques de l’Inde ont permis la miseen place de certaines mesures en matière de bien-être, de protection sociale des minorités et de leurdéveloppement. Cesmesures cherchent à corriger lesdéséquilibres apparus au fil du temps. La premièreinitiatived’importanceencesensfutleProgrammeen15pointsde1983,quidonnaitdesdirectivesauxétatsetauxterritoiresdel’Unionenmatièredebien-êtredesminorités.LeProgrammeen15pointsétaitaxésurtroisaspectsessentielsde laprotectiondesminoritésetdeleurdéveloppement:(i)commentprévenir lesémeutescommunaleset lesmesuresàprendre, lecaséchéant;(ii) comment assurer une représentation adéquatedesminorités sur le marché du travail, et (iii) commentaméliorer les conditions socio-économiques desminoritésgrâceàdesprogrammesspéciaux.Laportéedu Programme en 15 points a été élargie demanièresignificativecesdernièresannées.

Différents ministères du gouvernement fédéralont lancé des programmes visant spécifiquementl'amélioration des possibilités d'éducation et d'emploipourlesminorités,enparticulierlesMusulmans.Pouraccroîtrelespossibilitésenéducation,lesprogrammes

en cours ont été implantés spécifiquement dansles zones à forte population minoritaire. Parmi lesinterventionsgouvernementalesenmatièred’éducationpour les minorités, mentionnons la modernisationet l'amélioration des infrastructures des madrasas,une éducation de qualité et accessible, ainsi que desprogrammes de bourses pour les étudiants issus descommunautésminoritaires.

Legouvernementaégalementcréédesprogrammesetdessystèmesdesoutienpouraccroîtrelespossibilitésenmatièred’économieetd’emploi,parmilesquelslamiseenplacedelaNMDFC.Cetorganismecontribueàélargirles perspectives économiques et le pouvoir d’actiondes minorités désavantagées. Il apporte un soutienéconomique sous formedeprêts. Il fournit égalementdumicro-créditauxpluspauvresparlebiaisdesONG.D’autres programmes comprennent, entre autres, dela formation professionnelle pour les communautésminoritaires;de l’aideà lacommercialisationpour lesartisans et de l’assistance pour le développement dudesignetpourlamiseàniveaudescompétences.

Cesdispositionssemblentexhaustivesetinclusives.Toutefoisilyaencoredesécartsentrelespolitiquesetla pratique. Le rapport Sachar mentionne clairementd’un côté, le déficit démocratique et le retard dedéveloppement, et de l’autre, l'exclusion d'une grandepartie de la population minoritaire. Ceci indiquecertainementquel'Étatfédéraln’estpassiefficacedanslagestiondel’équité,delasécuritéetdel’égalitéentrelesgroupes.Àmoinsdecomblerl’écartentrelespolitiquesetleurréellemiseenœuvre,l’équitéetl’égalitéentrelesgroupesrestentquasimentimpossibles.

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quebec immigration, integration and interculturalism Policy: a critical assessmentmarie mc andrew, Professor, Department of Educational Administration and Foundations, and Chair Holder, Canada Research Chair on Education and Ethnic Relations, Université de Montréal.

sébastien arcand, Associate Professor, Hautes Études Commerciales, and co-director, Research component: Integration of Immigrants: Spatial Factors, Economy and Cohabitation, Centre d’études ethniques des universités montréalaises, Montréal.

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quebec’s involvement in immigration, integration and intercultural relations: historical conteXt and legal frameWorK

The motivation of modern Quebec to control itsimmigration, and especially to ensure the integrationof immigrants to a societal project reflective of itstrajectories and values, where both the French languageandinterculturalismarecentral,istheresultofanumberof factors, some of which will seemmore obvious thanotherstoanIndianpublic.Tobegin,itshouldbenotedthatthe Québécois identity, and the accompanying territorialnationalism, is a relatively recent concept (Juteau, 2000).From theBritish conquest in1759upuntil the so-calledQuiet Revolution of the sixties, French-Canadians acrossCanada, andeven theNorth-AmericanDiaspora, viewedthemselves as a singleminority people, based on ethnicnationalism.Incontrast,inthecollectiveconsciousness,theothercomponentsoftheQuebecsociety(i.e.Anglophonesand Allophones, each accounting for approximately 8%oftheprovince’spopulation)wereclearlypartofanothergroup–calledtheEnglish, English-Canadians, or Others, as the casemay be.Thequestion of “French-Canadians”still elicits vigorousdebate inQuebec to thisday.Whileforsomethiscategorizationappearsantiquated,andbasedon ethnic relations wherein Francophones in Quebecwere economically dominated, for others the categoryofFrench-Canadiansinsteadpermitsustodefineaculturallyandhistoricallyspecificcommunity.Forthelattergroup,thisnotionof“French-Canadians”allowsustodistinguishit from the broader, more inclusive term “Quebecer.”Indeed, the government of Quebec officially uses the term “Quebecer” to define all people living withinthe province. It is not surprising, therefore, that animmigrant selection carried out exclusively by theFederal Government, then massively Anglophone, and

the fact that immigrants blended almost exclusively intotheAnglophonecommunity,werenotviewedas a socialproblembeforetheendofthesixties.

The increased importance of immigration as anissue of public debate was also intimately linked to thedemo-linguistic issue. Given the low fertility rate of theFrancophonecommunity,as is thecase inmostWesternsocieties,theintegrationofimmigrantsintoonecommunityor the othermaywell determine the linguistic future ofMontreal.AlthoughMontrealisthesecondlargestFrench-speaking city in the world, Francophones (individualshavingFrenchasamothertongue)onlyaccountforalittleless than 60% of the population (whereas theymake up 80%oftheprovince’stotalpopulation)(StatisticsCanada,2012a).It isworthnotingthat, likethenotionofFrench-Canadians, the term Francophone is also subject tointerpretation. For the purposes of this article, we will use the notion of “First Official Language Spoken” andconsider that the term Francophone refers to peoplewho learned French as their first language and continue to understand and use it (Statistics Canada, 2012b). According to Statistics Canada’s latest census, thepercentageofQuebec’s population that claimsFrench asthe languagemostoften spokenathomedecreased from82.7%in2006to82.5%in2011.

As for Quebecers who speak exclusively French athome, the percentage decreased from 75.1% in 2006 to72.8% in 2011. InMontreal, where lives the majority ofpeoplewhodonothaveFrenchasamothertongue,16.5%claim to usually speak a language other than Frenchor English at home. It also bearsmentioning that in theQuebec context, these Allophones, as they are termed,aremore likely tospeakFrenchathomethan in the twoprevious censuses (24% in 2011 versus 23% in 2006, and21%in2011)(StatisticsCanada,2012a).

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queBeC immigration, integration and interCuLturaLism poLiCY: a CritiCaL assessment

With respect to this last challenge, the decision toopenup,ratherthantoreactwithadefensivereflex,seemsinfluencedby thespecificityof theCanadianandNorth-Americancontexts (McAndrew&Trinh,2005). Indeed,eventhoughoursocietiesarenotfreefromintoleranceorracist lapses, the conviction that immigration representsa key economic, cultural and social contribution to thedevelopment of any society marks the public discourseand the collective consciousness. What is more, thegovernments of Quebec and Canada have chosen anapproach based on the professional skills of prospectiveimmigrants. In the Quebec context, however, theselection of skilled immigrants – approximately 75% ofall immigration for 2012 (MICC, 2012) – also includesanevaluationof theirknowledgeofFrenchthatdoesnotautomatically lead to the rejection of a candidate if he/she can accumulate points with regard to other criteriacomprisedintheselectiongrid.

Overall,immigrationandintegrationhaverepresentedoverthelasttwentyyearsanareaofpeacefulcollaborationbetween the Federal and Provincial governments, evenwhen a sovereignist party was in power in Quebec. Incontrast, for example,with the question of internationalrepresentationofQuebec,thathasfuelledmorecontroversy(Balthazar,2004).Multiculturalismand interculturalism,i.e.,whathappens,inthelongrun,withCanadian/Quebecidentitieswhennewcomersinfluenceandchangethesocialfabric,hasprovedmorecontentious.However,aswewillseelater,althoughdifferencesexistinthisregard,tensionstherereflectmainlycompetingnationbuildingprocessesor,atleast,afightforprimary/secondaryallegianceamongnewcomers. Before delving into this issue, it is usefulto review the main characteristics of the immigration,integration,andinterculturalismapproachesdevelopedinQuebecoverthelastthirtyyears.

the major comPonents of the selection and integration Policy

AlthoughtheQuebecGovernmenthasbeenactiveinthesefields since the seventies, it is onlywith thePolicyStatement on Immigration and Integration, Let’s Build Quebec Together of 1990 (MCCI, 1990), that it clearlyset out its main normative framework, goals and actionperspectivesinthisregard.Morespecifically,theSelectionPolicyisbasedontwomajorobjectives:• A selection of immigrants that contributes to the

developmentofaFrancophonesocietyandathrivingeconomy, in keeping withQuebec’s values of familyreunificationandinternationalsolidarity.

• Agradualincreaseinimmigrationlevelsaccordingtotheneedsofthehostsociety.

The level and makeup of the migratory movementwhich,since2005,hasreachedanaverageofapproximately49,000individualsayear(foratotalpopulationof8,054,756in 2012) (MICC, 2012), are defined following a publicconsultationprocess,throughabalancingofdemographic,economic, linguistic and humanitarian objectives. Itshould be noted, in this regard, that, although priorknowledge of French increases the chances of selection,thiscriterionisnoteliminatory,inrecognitionofthefactthatmany Allophone and even Anglophone immigrantsarelikely,overthelongerterm,tocontributetothevitalityand the Francophone character ofQuebec. Nonetheless,knowledge of French, or the prospective immigrant’spotential to learn the language, remains an importantelementintheselectionpolicyforskilledimmigrants.Asaresult,todaythetopfivecountriesoforiginforimmigrantstoQuebecare,inorder,France(9.5%oftotalimmigration),China (9.1%), Haiti (8.7%), Morocco (7.1%) and Algeria(6.5%).Thesefivecountriesaccountforatotalof31.7%ofimmigrantswhoarrivedin2012andallexceptChineseareFrancophonesoratleastfrancotropes(MICC,2012).

Today, theDepartmentof ImmigrationandCulturalCommunities pursues a wide variety of objectives, boththrough programsmanaged directly by the DepartmentaswellasincollaborationwithcommunityorganizationsactiveinQuebec,andassuchitisimpossibletoprovidethereaderwithafullassessmentoftheseinitiatives.Itwouldbe naïve, however, to present the actions of theQuebecGovernment as a panacea. Even though Quebec societyhasnowclearlymovedbeyondtheobstaclesrelatedtoitsspecificity, the problems experienced today are more inline with those arising elsewhere in Canada or in otherimmigrationcountries.Thisisspecificallytruewithregardtotheeconomicperformanceindicatorsfortheimmigrantpopulation(Picot&Hou,2003)andwithproblemsrelatedto religious diversity (Bouchard & Taylor 2008). Here,the so-called reasonable accommodation crisis of 2006,andthecreationof the“Commissiondeconsultationsurles pratiques d’accommodement reliées aux différencesculturelles”whichfollowed, isagoodexampleofhow,tothisday,religiousdiversitymaygiverisetovigorousdebateandcreatedivisionsamongthepopulationofQuebec.Inthisregard,theevolutionofdebateswithinQuebecsocietyoverthelastthirtyyearsislargelyinlinewithinternationaltrends, although these debates sometimes appear quitespecificintheCanadiancontext,aswewillseeinthenextpartofthisarticle.

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marie mc andrew and sÉBastien arCand

interculturalism and multiculturalism: common trends and differences

Despite a dichotomous opposition betweenmulticulturalismand interculturalism,whenone focuseson actual programs and practices instead of politicalrhetoric, it is clear that Canadian multiculturalism andQuebec interculturalism have much in common (Juteauet al., 1998).They shareahighcommitment todiversity,consideredamajorfeatureofcollectiveidentity,aswellasadefinitionofequality thatgoes furtherthanthe formaldefinition,toincludeequity(bothgovernmentsrecognizesystemic or indirect discrimination and have adoptedcompensatory and equalization programs). Both policiesalsoclearlyvaluetheHumanRightsperspective(whetherthe Quebec Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms or the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms) as themainframeworkformanagingdiversity.

Nevertheless, two relatively important differencesare worth mentioning, even if they may be morequestions of stress than radical opposition.On the onehand,itisclearthatinQuebectherehasbeenastrongerpreoccupation with the balancing of rights, especiallywhen they are potentially conflictual, such as equalitybetweenmen andwomen and religious liberty, both atthe levelofpolicydocumentsandofpublicdebate.Thistendencyhasmeant,paradoxically,thatinterculturalismhasoverallbeenamore liberaland lesscommunitarianpolicy, especially in its application, than its Canadianmulticulturalcounterpart.Obviously,thisdoesnotmeanthat the restofCanada is indifferent to the issueof thepotentialdangerofculturalrelativism,northatCanadianmulticulturalism does not have any legal or normativelimits.Butclearly,itisnotanissuethatfiguresveryhighlyeither in official statements or in political discoursethere.Thisdifferencemayalsoexplainwhy theQuebecpolicy has been credited, especially by some critics ofmulticulturalism (Bissoondath, 1994), with fostering abettersenseofsecurityamongthemajority,or,at least,has not been criticized as much as multiculturalismfor itspotentialnegative impacton social cohesion.Onthe other hand, because it has been so focused untilvery recently on linguistic and cultural issues, Quebecinterculturalism has given a weaker recognition to thepersistenceof interethnic inequalitiesandtotheroleofracisminthisregard,bothatthelevelofpoliticalrhetoricandofactionsinitiatedorsupportedbytheGovernment.It is difficult, however, to state whether this trendresults from the limitsof thenormative conceptionputforwardorfromtherealityofethnicrelationsinQuebec,where, until relatively recently, Francophoneswere stillamong the most socio-economically disadvantagedgroups. Whatever their real or putative differences,

multiculturalism and interculturalism share commonweaknessesandhavefacedsomesimilarcriticisms.Amongthese weaknesses, they share the incapacity to reducethe deep, entrenched reality of interethnic inequalities,especially amongvisibleminoritiesor immigrants fromdeveloping countries. And by recognizing diversitywithintheparadigmofdemocraticvalues,theybothareactuallypromotingsoft assimilationismmuchmorethanradical pluralism (Juteau et al.,1998).Thischaracteristicmayexplainwhyreligiousdiversityinbothcontexts,butespecially in Quebec, where the stress on democraticlimitstodiversityhasbeenmorepronounced,hasraisedsomanyvisibleandvocalcontroversies.

conclusionAscanbeseenfromthisbriefoverview,overthelast

thirty years, Quebec has developed its own approach inmatters of immigration, integration and interculturalrelations.AlthoughnotalwaysdifferentfromtheirCanadiancounterparts, the actions carried within this frameworkhaveadistinctcharacter,bothintheirconceptionandintheirstrengthsandweaknesses.Thequestionwewishtoraiseinourconcludingremarks,whichshouldberelevanttotheIndiandebateintheareaofpluralism,isthatoftherole that complementary, and sometimes contradictorypolicies of diversity management, coexisting within thesameterritory,canplayininsuringthatspecificchallengesexperienced by non-dominant national minorities maybeaccommodated. Indeed, it isclear that, in this regard,the Canadian Government has been rather daring, atleast when assessed from an international perspective.It did actively support the involvement of Quebec inimmigration and integration and cooperated with itheartily in thesedomains,whileallowing,orat leastnotactively fighting, Quebec’s initiative to develop its ownmodelofmulticulturalism,i.e.interculturalism.

What impact has this relative openness had onCanadiansociety?1) First,itisclearthatoverthelastthirtyyearsdiversity,

especially ethno-cultural diversity originating frommigration, which used to be considered with fear,andthesurvivalofaredefinedminorityFrancophoneculture in Canada, have come to be considered ascomplementaryandnotantithetical.Althoughpocketsof resistance to the pluralistic transformation of theprovincestill exist inQuebec,overall theanalysisofboth public policy and opinion polls clearly showsthatthishasbeenasuccess,oratleastthattherealityis nownot very different inQuebec than in simplermajority-dominatedimmigrationsocieties.

2) Althoughnotfullyfoundedaswehaveshownabove,themythofQuebechavingaspecificapproachinterms

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queBeC immigration, integration and interCuLturaLism poLiCY: a CritiCaL assessment

of integration and inter-culturalism has probablycontributedtothatfeelingofculturalsecurity.Thereis now a sense amongQuebecers that they own thediversitymanagementpolicy:theylovetobelievethattheirmodelisbetterthantheoneofEnglishCanada(McAndrew,1996).Whetherthisistrueornot,ithascertainly contributed to bringing themmuch closerto the rest of Canada through a pluralistic identityredefinition.Somecouldargue thatcultural securityisnotyetdominantinQuebec,butouranalysisofthemutationofpublicdebateovertwentyyearsseemsto,atleast,indicatethatthetraditionalculturalinsecurity,basedonabesieged ethnic group mentality is slowly,forbetterorworse,beingreplacedbyaninsertionintothematrixofpost-modernculturalinsecurity,sharedwithmanyothernationsacrosstheworld.

3) ThefactthatQuebechasbeenrelativelysuccessfulinintegratingnewcomersinacommonFrancophonebutpluralisticculturealsomeansthatithascomeclosertotheidentitymodelprevailingintherestofCanada.Thereisnow,especiallyinMontreal,agreaterdegreeofdistinctionbetweensharingalanguageandsharingaculture,aswellasamoreinstrumentalrelationwiththeFrenchlanguage,asatoolforcivicparticipation,atleastamongminoritygroups.

4) However, before Indian policy-makers infer fromthese conclusions any indication regarding thepositive impact of a decentralization of policies onregional conflicts, it is important to keep in mindthat this coming closer of cultures, has not meantthat Québécois feel any more or any less Canadian.The level of support for autonomist movements hasnotwidelychangedtheselastthirtyyears,and,whilefirstgenerationimmigrantstendedtohaveastrongerCanadian national identity and commitment, therearesomeindicationsthat,duetopoliticalsocializationwithin the school system, their offspring are evenlysplit, as are “old stock” Francophone Quebecers,on the political future of the Province. Thus, asoften exemplified by international studies on theconstruction of ethnic relations (Schermerhorn,1970), greater similarity of culturalmarkers has notmeant lesser salience of ethnic boundaries, at leastin the short run. But neither does this constitutecompellingevidenceforthereverseargumenti.e. that insuring more sensitivity to the specific challengesexperiencedbytheFrancophoneminorityintheareaofimmigration,integrationanddiversitymanagementhas,inanyway,contributedtocentrifugaltendenciesinCanada.

reFerenCes

Balthazar,L.[2004]“Quebec’sinternationalrelations.”InA.Gagnon(dir.),Quebec: State and Society.3rdedition:447-474.Peterborough:Broadview Press,2004.

Bissoondath,N.[1994]Selling Illusions. The Cult of Multiculturalism in Canada.Toronto:PenguinBooks.

Bouchard, G. & Taylor, C. [2008] Building the future, a time for reconciliation abridged report.Quebec:Quebecgovernment.

Juteau,D.[2000]Dudualismecanadienaupluralismequébécois.In McAndrew,M.&F.Gagnon(Eds.)Relations ethniques et éducation dans les sociétés divisées: Québec, Irlande du Nord, Catalogne et Belgique.Paris:L’Harmattan:13-26.

Juteau,D.,McAndrew,M.&Pietrantonio,L.[1998]Multiculturalismà la Canadian and intégration à la québécoise. Transcending theirlimits. In R. Bauböck & J. Rundell (Eds.) Migration, Ethnicity, Citizenship. Vienne/Brookfield: European Centre, Vienna/AshgatePublishing:23-95.

McAndrew,M.[1996]Diversitéculturelleetreligieuse:divergencesdes rhétoriques, convergences des pratiques? In F. Gagnon, M. Mc Andrew et M. Pagé (Eds.) Pluralisme, citoyenneté et éducation:287-317.Montréal:Éditionsl’Harmattan.

McAndrew,M.&Tuyet,T.T.[2005]Canada’sinvolvementinthefieldof immigration and integration: Characteristics and prospectiveissues. In A. Barretto (Ed.) Globalização e Migrações. Lisbone:Imprensa de Ciências Sociais, Instituto de Ciências Sociais,UniversidadedeLisboa.

Ministère de l’immigration et des communautés culturelles, 2012.«Bulletin statistiques sur l’immigration permanente au Québec: 2ième trimestre et six premiers mois de 2012», Direction de la recherche et de l’analyse prospective: http://www.micc.gouv.qc.ca/publications/fr/recherches-statistiques/BulletinStatistique-2012trimestre2-ImmigrationQuebec.pdf.

MinistèredesCommunautésculturellesetdel’Immigration(MCCI)[1990]Let’s Build Quebec Together.Apolicystatementonimmigrationandintegration.Montreal:Directiondescommunications.

Picot,W.C.&Hou,F.[2003]La hausse du taux de faible revenu chez les immigrants au Canada. Direction des études analytiques.Documents de recherche No 198. Ottawa: Direction des étudesanalytiques,StatistiqueCanada.

Statistics Canada [2012a] Document analytique: caractéristiques linguistiques des Canadiens: langue, Recensement de la population de 2011, No 98-314-X2011001aucatalogue.

Statistics Canada [2012 b] French and Francophonie in Canada, http://www12.statcan.gc.ca/census-recensement/2011/as-sa/98-314-x/98-314-x2011003_1-eng.cfm#n3.

Schermerhorn, R.A. [1970] Comparative Ethnic Relations: A Framework for Theory and Research.NewYork:RandomHouse.

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la Politique quÉbÉcoise d’immigration, d’intÉgration et d’interculturalisme: un bilan critique

Laseulelecturedutitredecetarticledevraitpiquerlacuriositédu lecteur.Considérantqued’ordinairecesont les États souverains qui décident des politiquesd’immigration et orientent les programmes qui endécoulent, il peut sembler en effetparticulierde fairemention d’un quelconque rôle du gouvernement duQuébec,ungouvernementprovincialfaut-illerappeler,dansl’élaborationetlagestiondepolitiquesmigratoireset d’intégration des immigrants. Toutefois, le titrede cet article prend tout son sens si on considère lanature même de la fédération canadienne. Outre lesconsidérationsd’ordreconstitutionnel,ilfautégalementrevoir ce qui, historiquement, a permis auxdifférentsgouvernementsduQuébecqui se sont succédédepuislesannées1970d’accroîtreleurmainmisesurlagestiondel’immigrationetdesdomainesafférents.Influencéspar le désir d’assurer la pérennité du fait français auQuébec,lesdiverseffortsdelapartdesgouvernementsquébécois pour accroître leur pouvoir en matière desélection et d’intégration des immigrants ont, pourainsidire,porté fruitsdepuis les40dernièresannées.C’esteneffetdepuis laRévolution tranquillede1960-1970, qui initie notamment des débats au niveau desréférents identitaires au Québec, que l’idée que cetteprovinceobtienneplusdecontrôlesursonimmigrationafaitsonchemin.

Alors que la notion même de «Québécois» étaitutilisée de manière très ponctuelle avant les années1960, celle de Canadien-français était communémentutiliséeetservaitàdécrireunecommunautéd’histoireetdeculturepancanadienne.Cen’estqu’àpartirdesannées1960quelacatégorie«Québécois»s’estimposéeetquelaquestionmigratoireestdevenueunréelenjeudesociété.Quiplusest, il faudraattendreà lafindesannées1960pourquelacommunautéanglophoneetlesallophonesduQuébecnedeviennentcequel’onpourraitconsidérer comme un «problème social». Il faut direégalement que l’inscription de la nouvelle dynamiqueethnique entre les Québécois, les anglophones et lesallophones est largement influencée par les débatsdémo-linguistiques.Ainsi,etenconsidérantlebastauxde fertilité qui caractérise le Québec post-révolutiontranquille, l’intégration des immigrants au sein dela communauté québécoise francophone ou de lacommunautéanglophonedanslarégionmontréalaise,où plus de 80% des nouveaux arrivants s’installent,va structurer cette nouvelle dynamique ethnique. De

cettedynamiquenaîtlaconvictionquelesimmigrantscontribuentaudéveloppementéconomique,cultureletsocialduQuébec.

Aujourd’hui,tantlegouvernementduQuébecqueceluiduCanadaoriententleurseffortsderecrutementvers les immigrants qualifiés, ceux qui possèdent descompétencesprofessionnellesenlienaveclesdemandesdumarchédutravailetqui,pourlecontextequébécois,possèdent également des compétences suffisantes enfrançais.Cesdeuxaspects,compétencesprofessionnellesetcompétenceslinguistiques,vontpeuàpeuavoirdeseffetsstructurantssurlesfluxmigratoires.Àunpointtel qu’en 2012, quatre des principaux pays d’origine des immigrants s’installant au Québec appartiennentsoit à la francophonie (France) ou à des régions dumondeoùl’utilisationdufrançaisdemeureimportante(Maghreb,Haïti).

Lesacquisenmatièredesélectionetd’intégrationdesimmigrantsapermisauGouvernementduQuébecdesedoterdecompétencesetd’uneexpertisecommeonenretrouvepeudelapartd’ungouvernementprovincial.Toutefois,celanegarantitpasquecescompétencesetcette expertise soient la panacée à tous les problèmesvécus par les immigrants. Le Québec n’échappe pasaux problèmes liés à l’intégration socio-économiquedesimmigrantsetdesminoritésethniquesdemanièregénérale, comme nous le rappelle les problèmesd’insertion au marché de l’emploi, saillant chez lesmembres des minorités visibles, ou les problèmesentourantl’acceptationdeladiversitéreligieuseillustréspar la Commission de consultation sur les pratiquesd’accommodement reliées aux différences culturellesen2006.

En matière de politique d’immigration et d’inté-gration, les débats sont nombreux et portent pourbeaucoupsurlacomparaisonentrelemulticulturalismecanadienetl’interculturalismequébécois.Danscedébat,oùilestparfoisdifficiledefaireladistinctionentrelarhétoriqueetlescontenusdesprogrammesetpratiques,lemulticulturalismeetl’interculturalismeontbeaucoupencommun.Ilssonttousdeuxdédiésà ladiversitéetà la notiond’égalité et ils reconnaissent l’existence etlapersistancedeladiscriminationdirecteetindirecte.Quiplusest,tousdeuxvalorisentpleinementlesdroitsde la personne à travers deux Chartes, l’une québé-coise et l’autre canadienne. Toutefois, on ne sauraitpassersoussilencedeuxdifférencesimportantesentrele multiculturalisme et l’interculturalisme. Dans unpremiertemps,ilexisteauQuébecdespréoccupationsévidentes quant à l’équilibre des droits, spécialement

marie mc andrew and sÉBastien arCand

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ceuxquionttraitàl’égalitédesfemmesetauxlibertésreligieuses. Cela témoigne, paradoxalement, quel’interculturalisme est une politique, dans l’ensemble,plus libérale que communautarienne, surtout si on lacompare avec le multiculturalisme canadien. Dansun deuxième temps, parce que jusqu’à récemment ilmettaitl’accentsurlesenjeuxlinguistiquesetculturels,l’interculturalisme est plus réticent à reconnaître lapersistancedes inégalités interethniqueset le rôleduracisme à cet égard. Il est difficile d’évaluer si cettetendance au sein de l’interculturalisme québécoistémoignedes limitesnormativesdecettepolitiqueousicelarésultedeconditionshistoriquesspécifiquesausein desquelles les Québécois francophones ont été,

pendantdessiècles,l’undesgroupeslesplusdéfavorisésau niveau social et surtout économique. Cet articlemontrecommentetdansquellesconditionsleQuébeca, depuis plusde 40 ans, développéune approchequiluiestpropreenmatièred’immigration,d’intégrationetderelationsinterculturelles.Enguisedeconclusion,nous aimerions insister sur un aspect pertinent pourlesdébatsquiontcoursdanslecontexteindien.Celaatraitàl’importancedurôlequedespolitiquesdegestionde la diversité, coexistant sur un même territoire etpouvant être parfois complémentaires et d’autres foiscontradictoires,ontdansl’assurancequelesdéfisvécuspar lesminorités nationales non-dominantes peuventêtreaccommodées.

queBeC immigration, integration and interCuLturaLism poLiCY: a CritiCaL assessment

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the muslim community in india: the imPlementation of the sachar rePort recommendations abdul nafey, Professor, Centre for Canadian, US and Latin American Studies, School of International Studies, and Dean of Student Welfare, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

22

introductionThe Prime Minister’s High Level Committee to

“Report on Social, Economic and Educational Status ofMuslim Community of India” under the chairmanshipof the venerated civil rights activist and former JudgeRajinder Sachar was set up in March 2005. The reportof the commission, submitted in November 2006, dealswith the three inter-related issues of concern to India’s 156 million Muslims: identity, security and equity. Allbeingimportant,theCommitteehowever,givenitstermsofreference,chosetofocusspecificallyonequity.

inequity and the indian muslim communityOnidentity-relatedissues,thereportadmitstoanear-

absence of “spaces of interaction” betweenMuslims andother socio-religious communities. For instance, in theunderstandingof “patriotism,” IndianMuslims carry thedoubleburdenofbeing labelledas“anti-national”and,atthesametime,asbeing“appeased.”WhileMuslimculturalmarkersi.e.beard,skull-capetc.areasourceofsuspicionand ridicule, gender issues get a typical Muslim slant. When talking of Muslim women, almost no one talksof their life – their health, education, income, etc. Thegender-based discourse remains almost exclusivelyconfined to issues like hijab, marriage and divorce.Theproblem gets compounded when Islam is berated forits backwardness with no effort whatsoever to identifyfactorsofdiscrimination,marginalizationandexclusionof Muslims from the developmental-democratic processes.The Committee itself had only two tasks before it: tohighlight the relative deprivation of Muslims vis-à-visother socio-religious communities; and secondly, toidentifypossibleareasofstateintervention.

On security-related issues, the report laments theconstant fear of communal violence: its deleteriouseconomicimpacton“opportunitystructure”forMuslims;an “inferiority complex” bred by being branded as anti-national,withmorepolicestationsthanschoolsinMuslim

localities;andghettoization,speciallyintheaftermathofthe 2002Gujarat pogrom,whichhas further shrunk thespacesforinteractionanddeniedthemnecessaryphysicalandsocialinfrastructure.

the sachar rePort: education among muslimsHow can we explain the inability of Muslims

to access political representation and resources fordevelopment? The Sachar Committee presents a widedata range culledmainly fromgovernment sources andpresents few perspectives in the light of equity issues.In fact, its methodology can be questioned; relying onbare-bone data does not reveal the entire complexityof marginalization and exclusion. Nevertheless, equitykey aspects that the report deliberates upon pertainto population, education, economy and employment,infrastructure,andgovernmentemployment.

RefutingthemythofaMuslimpopulationexplosionandofMuslimsovertakingallotherreligiouscommunitiessomewhere in the not-so-distant future, the reportconfirms that population growth among Muslims hasdeclinedinmoststatesduringthe1991-2001period.TheCommittee further opines: “Given the current trend,Muslimpopulationwillnotincreasebeyond18-19%bytheendofthe21stcentury”,comparedtotheirpresent14%ofthetotalIndianpopulation.

Itisnotconservatismbutthefailureofstatetoprovidesecular educational institutions in Muslim-dominated areas that explains the pathetic condition of access toeducation. Muslim communities are mainly rural butcompared to other socio-religious communities have ahigher ratio of urbanization; yet the literacy rate amongMuslims is at 59.1%compared to thenational averageof65.1%. It ismore glaring in the case ofMuslimwomen.Drop-outratesarehigheramongMuslims(25%ofMuslimchildren, in the age-group 6-14 years, either never go toschoolordropout);andincidenceofchildlabourishigheramong Muslims compared to all other socio-religious

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the musLim CommunitY in india: the impLementation oF the saChar report reCommendations

programmes, it fell onlymarginally in urban areas; stillhowever,asignificantlyhigherratioofMuslimhouseholdsisinthelessthanfivehundredrupeesexpenditurebracket.On average, poor Muslims consume only 75% of thepovertylineexpenditure,whichisthelowestofallsocio-religiouscommunities.Moreseriously,onefindsaninverserelationshipbetweenphysicalandsocialinfrastructureintheMuslimlocalities,villagesandtowns.Theyhaveaverypoorrateofbenefittingfromgovernmentprogrammes;forinstanceinUPwheretheyconstitute24%ofthepoor,theirshare in various government programmes is limited to 3% to 14%. Their lower participation in professional,technical,clericalandmanagerialwork,bothinpublicandprivate sectors, indicates their inability to access socialsecurity,statusandpower.

Political ParticiPationAs for their representation in top echelons of civil

services,Muslim representation is only3% in the Indianadministrative service, 1.8% in Foreign Service and 4%in the police services.Thiswas in 2003-04 and remainsalmost thesame in2011-12.Significantly, theproportionofMuslimrepresentationincivilservicehasdeclinedsince1960.Thankstotheelectoralcartography,representationof Muslims in legislative and other decision-makingbodies at the national, state and local levels is not onlylow,comparedtotheirpopulationandtheirhighelectoralparticipation, it is also on thedecline. Sacharpoints outthatseveralelectoralconstituencieswithsufficientlylargeMuslim electorate are simply declared as “reserved” forSCs(i.e.certainHinducasteswhicharedeclaredeligibleforthebenefitsof“reservation”becauseoftheirhistoricaldeprivation and marginalization and exclusion); raisingthe invidious prospect of conflict betweenMuslims andtheDalits(historicallyandsociallydeprived,marginalizedandexcludedcastesamongHindus).

recommendations of the sachar rePortTo reverse the process of marginalization and

exclusion in terms of access to political representationand developmental resources, Sachar recommends thestrengthening of legal and public policy provisions; theestablishmentofanationaldatabankcoveringall socio-religiouscommunities;theestablishmentofanautonomousassessmentandmonitoringauthoritytoassessthedegreeofbenefitsofvariousgovernmentprogrammesreachingtodifferentcommunities;anequalopportunitycommissiontoscrutinizethegrievancesofthemarginalizedsections;and providing of incentives with a diversity index. Ondenial of political representation, it suggests eliminatinganomaliesintheidentificationoftheso-called“reserved”electoralconstituencies.SachargoesontorecommendthepathofnominationsoastobringMuslimsintheprocessof

communities.Itcannotbeblamedonpovertyeverytime;thetruthisschoolshavenotbeensetupinMuslimareas.Forexample, inmore thanone thousandMuslim-dominatedvillagesinBihar,UttarPradeshandWestBengal,thereisnothingbywayofamainstreameducationalinstitution.

In “premier” educational institutions,Muslim enrol-ment is only at 4% at undergraduate and at 2% at post-graduate level. Worst, the disparity in the graduateattainment rates between Muslims and all other socio-religiouscommunitieshasbeenwideningsince1970.Itisneitherreligionnorculturebuttheabsenceofstate-fundedschools andMuslim yearning for education that explaintheestablishmentofMadrasas(Muslim-orientedreligiousschoolswhichsometimecombineamodicumofseculareducation).Stillhowever,nomorethan3%ofchildrenintheschool-goingageattendMadrasas.

Article 30 of the Indian Constitution allows theestablishment of minority-run educational institutions; Sacharbemoansthestate’santipathytowardsrecognitionof minority educational institutions. Over a period of four years (April 2002-March 2006), only 106 crore(1 crore=10 million) rupees were allocated under themuch-touted programme of modernization of Madrasa education. Sections of the Indian society includingwell-informed ones continue to brand Madrasas as breedingground of fundamentalism, even terrorism. One wouldfindmoreunemployedgraduatesamongMuslimsthaninother communities; as a result,mainstreamMuslims donotseeeducationasaroadtosocialmobility.

the muslims and the economySachar finds very low participation of Muslims in

formal sectors of the economy. Most Muslims are self-employed in petty trading and manufacturing andtraditional crafts; this makes their economic fortunesmorevulnerabletopoliticaldisruptionsandviolence.Theirconcentrationininformalsectorsmakesthemparticularlyvulnerable to market-oriented economic policies. Withaccesstobankinglargelydenied,eitherbecausebanksshunopening branches inMuslim-dominated areas or simplyfindMuslims“ineligible”forcredit,opportunitiesopenedbyeconomicliberalizationremainbeyondreach;whilethenegative effects of economic liberalization on traditionaloccupationsandcraftsarewitnessed inthedaily livesoftheMuslims.Inotherwords,Muslimsareunabletoenterthe“opportunitystructure”undereconomicliberalization,while their “inheritedassetstructures”getdwindledanddecimatedbytheforcesofglobalization.

Muslims have not benefitted from the average annualgrowthofabout6%duringtheyears1993-94and2004-5 to the same extent as other communities. Theyremainessentiallyhewersofwoodanddrawersofwater.Whileincidenceofpovertyamongthemdroppednoticeablyinruralareasasaresultofgeneralruralpovertyalleviation

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implementation”;healsosubmittedareportinJune2008.Besides, a National Data Bank has been set up in theMinistryofStatisticsandProgrammeimplementationtocollect data on the socio-economic facilities for varioussocio-religious communities; ahigh-level committeewasconstituted,whichhasalsosincesubmitteditsreport,onthe delimitation lawwhich has allowed gerrymandering;andanAutonomousAssessmentandMonitoringAuthorityhasalsobeencreatedinthePlanningCommissionofIndiatoanalyzedatainordertoformulateappropriatepolicies.

In the aftermath of the Sachar report, a series ofimmediate steps were taken, mostly in the educationsector.ALunch schemewas extended to upper primaryschools in all 3479 educationally backward blocks – anadministrative sub-unit in a district; similarly, 77 blockswherelargepopulationsofMuslimsareconcentratedhavebeenidentifiedtoestablishinstitutesforteachers’training;some initiatives have been proposed to provide girlhostels inminorityconcentrationdistrictsandproposalshave been mooted to establish polytechnics with hostelfacilitiesinallsuchdistricts.Itisalsoagreedtoundertakerevision of the Madrasamodernization programme andpreparation of the textbooks – based on the themes ofsecularism and multiculturalism – under the NationalCouncilforEducationalResearchandTraining(NCERT)in lightof theNationalCurriculaFramework. Still someotherinitiativesincludetheopeningofmorepublicsectorbanks inminority-dominatedareas; theestablishmentofcentresforthestudyofinclusion-exclusionofminorities,SCsandSTsin35universities,includingoneinJNU;andatrainingprogrammetosensitizegovernmentofficials.

The much-publicized Prime Minister’s 15 PointProgramme for the Welfare of Minorities includingMuslimshasbeeninplacesincebeforethesubmissionoftheSacharreport.The15PointProgrammefocusesonacertainpercentageintheallocationofdevelopmentalfundsforminority-dominatedareas.TheProgrammeaddressesmainlythequestionsofscholarshipsforminoritystudents;of raising the corpus fundofMaulanaAzadEducationalFoundation (intended to promote modern educationamongMuslims);extendingtheIndira Avas Yojana to help inhousingforthosebelowthepovertyline;andraisingthecapitaloutlayoftheNationalMinoritiesDevelopmentandFinanceCorporationforgeneratingmoreself-employmentamong minorities. Leadership training programmes forminoritywomen, computerizationof the state-levelwakf boards (government-mandated bodies to administerand manage Muslim denominational properties such asmosques, mausoleums, Madrasas, graveyards and otherassets),etc.werealsomooted.

governance;evaluationoftextbookswriting;moreinclusiveadmission to education institutions; teachers’ trainingprogrammesandhostelfacilityforminoritystudents.

the misra rePort and other stePs toWards equity for muslims

Another report, commonly known as RanghanathMisraReport, cameout in 2007, and recommended10%reservation for all Muslims, irrespective of their socialstratification, in educational institutions and publicsector employment. Further, it recommended inclusionofMuslims, identified by certainmarkers as “outcastes”(Arzal)tobeincludedinthelistofScheduledCaste,sincebyoccupationandsocialstatustheysharediscriminationand exclusion almost similar to the so-called “low-caste” Hindus; and called for inclusion ofmoreMuslimcommunities(bothfromtheAjlafandArzalstratifications)inthelistofOtherBackwardClasses(OBCs)soastoalsoextendtothemthebenefitofreservationundertheMandalformulaofextendingreservationstotheHinduOBCs.

A broad-based three-tier social stratificationcharacterizes the Muslims in the entire Indian sub-continent, covering the present-day India, Bangladesh and Pakistan: Ashraf are those who claim descent fromhigh lineage foreigner Muslims who entered the Indiansub-continent centuries ago; Ajlaf are believed to bedescendantsofconvertsfromHinduismandotherreligionswho mainly belonged to intermediate castes; and Arzal are converts from castes which are hereditarily engagedin menial work. Since the Indian Constitution does notallow religion-based reservation, the Misra Report hasgeneratedmorepoliticalheatwithdiametricallyoppositeviewpointsbeing expressed.Ononehand, the argumentisthatreligion-basedreservationisagainsttheverytenetsof Indian secularism or, that it is a recipe for nationaldisintegration.Thecontraryviewisthatreservationalonecanredressthepoliticalunder-representationofMuslims;reservation in educational institutions and jobs for allMuslims including their inclusion in SC and OBC listsalonecanbringthemoutofthemorassofmarginalizationand exclusion, for which the public policies of the last 60yearsareclearlyresponsible.

In the initialyearsafter theSacharreportcameout,the incumbent coalitional United Progressive Alliance(UPA) government responded with seeming alacrity and sincerity. Madhav Menon led an expert group to“examine and determine the structure of an EqualOpportunityCommission”;thegroupsubmitteditsreport inFebruary2008.AmitabhKunduwasaskedto“propose‘diversity index’ and to work out the modalities for

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instance,effortsatbankingandcreditfacilitiesunderthe15PointProgrammehavesofarbenefittedminoritiesotherthanMuslims,withbankstakingcreditforprovidingloanstominoritieswhilestillmanoeuvringtokeepMuslimsoutofthegame.Perhapswantingtosteerclearofanypoliticalcontroversy,Sacharalsodoesnotcontextualize the issueofequitywiththepoliticsthatproduceinsecurity–bothphysicalandsocial–andtheprocessesofdiscriminationandexclusion.Withoutensuringsecurityandcitizenshipinletterandspirit,theconcernforequityremainsconfinedmore towords thandeeds.On thepositive sidehoweverare themyriad efforts made by the community itself toimprove its socio-economic lot. But these may or maynot be related to the awareness generated by the SacharCommitteereport.

reFerenCes

Azra, Razzack & Anil, Gumber [2002] Differentials in Human Development: A Case for Empowerment of Muslims in India (NewDelhi:NCAER).

Imtiaz,Ahmad[2011]Can there be a Category called Dalit Muslims? www.indianmuslimobserver.com.

Rajinder,Sachar[2006]Report on Social, Economic and Educational Status of the Muslim Community of India.http://minorityaffairs.gov.in/newsite/sachar/sachar_comm.pdf.

Rowena, Robinson [2005] Tremors of Violence: Muslim Survivors of Ethnic Strife in Western India(NewDelhi:Sage).

conclusionHow can we respond to the Sachar report and the

various other reports and measures dealing with theiniquitous conditions of Indian Muslims? Some, amongthe liberal sections of scholars and other public figureswhichincludesasectionofMuslimintelligentsia,seethefindingsofthereportasasevereindictmentofIndianstateand all that has not been right with Indian secularism.Nevertheless, the report, as the first one to be madepublic, has been widely appreciated for its frankness indealingwiththecriticalissueofequityforIndia’sMuslimminority. Sceptics, comprising again sections ofMuslimintelligentsia,dubitasapoliticalployoftherulingUnitedProgressiveAlliance; it isaneye-wash,andyetonemoreattempt to hoodwink the gullible Indian Muslims. Theright-wingpoliticalparties,mainlythosebelongingtotheso-calledSangh Parivar (politicalpartiesandvarietiesofotherorganizationsclaimingtobecultural,religious,etc.who subscribe to the ideology of a majoritarian HindunationasespousedbytheparentalRashtriyaSwyamSevakSingh (RSS–NationalVoluntary ServiceOrganisation)),describedthereportasonemoreinstanceofappeasementoftheMuslimsandyetanothercaseofpseudo-secularismoftheUPAgovernment.

In fact, one need not comment; the report calls forsomeintrospectionregarding itsoutcome.Duetomaybepolitical apathy, bureaucratic antipathy, indifference oflargersocietyoreventheinertiaoftheMuslimelite,truthis there is notmuch to be seen byway of outcome. For

la communautÉ musulmane en inde: la mise en Œuvre des recommandations du raPPort sachar

Enmars2005,lePremierMinistreamisenplaceuncomitédehautniveaudirigéparRajinderSacharafindeproduireunrapportsurlestatutsocio-économiqueetsurleniveaudescolarisationdelaminoritémusulmane.Le rapport, présenté en novembre 2006, se penchesurtoutsurlesquestionsd’équitépourles156millionsd’Indiensde confessionmusulmane.Le comitédevaitcerner les causes expliquant leur incapacité à accéderauxressourcesetauxinstitutionsquifavoriseraientleurdéveloppementéconomiqueetleurdonneraientaccèsàunemeilleurereprésentationpolitique.Lecomitédevaitaussiidentifierlesdomainesdanslesquelsl’Étatpourraitéventuellement intervenir.Encequi a trait à l’équité,le comité a abordé les thèmes suivants: la population,l’éducation, l’économieet l’emploi, les infrastructures,

et les emplois dans la fonctionpublique. Les donnéesrecueilliesontpermisderéfutercertainspréjugés.Ainsi,lerapportamontréquelacroissancedelapopulationmusulmane ne menace aucun autre groupe en Inde,puisqu’ellenereprésenteraque18-19%delapopulationindienneàlafindusièclecourant.D’autresrésultatsontmontréquetoutn’estpasroseaveclalaïcitéindienne.Eneffet,25%desenfantsmusulmans(âgésde6à14ans)nevontpasàl’écoleouontabandonnél’écoleetseulement3% des jeunes musulmans fréquentent les madrasas,car les écoles laïques sont absentes ou inadéquatesdanslessecteurshabitésparlesMusulmans.Enplus,lenombred’enfantsdecettecommunautéquitravaillentestplusélevéquedanslesautresgroupes.Parailleurs,le taux d’alphabétisme des Musulmans se situe souslamoyennenationaleetesttoutsimplementpitoyablechez les femmes de la communauté. On trouve plusde diplômés sans emploi chez les Musulmans quedans les autres communautés. Ils ne perçoivent donc

the musLim CommunitY in india: the impLementation oF the saChar report reCommendations

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pas l’éducation comme un outil de mobilité sociale.Enoutre, lepourcentaged’étudiantsetdeprofesseursmusulmansdanslescollègesetlesuniversitésréputéessesitueentre2%et4%.

Le pourcentage de Musulmans dans le secteurformel est négligeable. Ils travaillent plutôt dans lesecteur informel comme petits marchands, artisanset petitsmanufacturiers ce qui les rend vulnérables àl’agitation politique et à la violence communale. Lalibéralisationéconomiqueaaccentuéleurvulnérabilitéface aux forces du marché. Ils ne semblent pasprofiterde lacroissanceéconomiquede l’Inde.Sacharremarque que les Musulmans n’ont pas bénéficiéautant que les autres communautés de la croissanceéconomique annuelle de 6% de 1993-1994 et de2004-2005. Ils semblent incapables de s’intégrer auxnouvelles structures favorisant la croissance alors que leurs structures traditionnelles sont menacées par lamondialisationetlalibéralisationéconomique.

Plus sérieusement, le rapport note une relationinverséeentrelesinfrastructuresphysiquesetsocialesdans les localités, villages et villes de la communautémusulmane.Enoutre,lacommunauténeprofitepasdesprogrammes sociaux de façon équitable. Une grandeproportion de foyers musulmans vit avec moins de500roupiesparmois.LesdépensesdesMusulmanslespluspauvressechiffrentà75%duseuildepauvreté.Cepourcentageestleplusfaibledetouteslescommunautésreligieuses.Leurprésenceanémiquedanslesdomainesd’emploi professionnels, techniques, administratifs etde gestion, à la fois dans les secteurs public et privé,montrentàquelpointilleurestdifficiled’accéderàlasécuritésociale,àuncertainstatutsocialetaupouvoir.Ainsi, lesMusulmansn’occupentquede2%à4%despostes les plus importants de la fonction publique, etce nombre est en déclin depuis les années 1970 toutcommeleurreprésentationauxassemblées législativesetà toutautre formed’organesdécisionnels.Plusieurscirconscriptions électorales comprenant un nombreimportant d’électeurs musulmans sont simplementréservéespourlescastesrépertoriées.

Le comité a aussi identifié des interventionspossibles pour l’État: renforcer certaines dispositions

desloisetdespolitiquespubliques,établirunebanquenationalededonnéesetuneagenced’évaluationetdesuivi indépendantesafind’évaluerdansquellemesureles divers programmes sociaux gouvernementauxprofitent aux communautés culturelles et religieusesauxquelles elles sont destinées, ainsi que de mettresur pied une commission sur l’égalité des chances. Ilsuggèreaussid’instaurerun indicede ladiversité,quipermettrait d’encourager les initiatives publiques etprivés visant la diversité. Finalement, il suggère aussid’éliminer les anomalies dans l’identification descirconscriptionsélectoralesréservées.

Dans la foulée de la publication du rapport, ona observé une abondance d’activités sous forme decomités et de commissions, de rapports et deprojets.Parmiceux-ci,ilfautmentionnerlerapportRanganathMisra de 2007 qui recommanda de réserver 10% desplacesdanslesétablissementsd’enseignementpublicsetdespostesdelafonctionpubliquepourlesMusulmansde tous les statuts socio-économiques; d’inclure descommunautés musulmanes hors-castes dans la listeconstitutionnelle des SC, et d’inclure davantage decommunautés musulmanes dans la liste des «Autresclassesdéfavorisées»(OBC).Enfait,lerapportMisraagénéréplusd’activitéspolitiquesquelerapportSachar,puisqu’il a soulevé la possibilité que des MusulmansetdesChrétiensdebasses castespuissent avoir accèsausystèmedequotas.Cependant,commeparhasard,aprèssixans,lerapportSacharaétéoublié.Endehorsde certains changements cosmétiques et d’un intérêtacadémiqueoccasionnel, l’équitépour lesMusulmansn’estpasunenjeuimportantdanslapolitiquenationale.Le comité aurait dû être acclamé pour son travail;mais sur le terrain la réalité demeure plus sombrequecequemontrent lesdonnéesobtenuesdesourcesgouvernementales.Ilfautégalementporterunjugementcritique sur la méthodologie du rapport qui ne metpasenrelation laquestionde l’équitéet lespolitiquesresponsablesdusentimentd’insécuritéetdesprocessusdediscriminationetd’exclusion.Puisquelasécuritéetlacitoyennetépourtoussontgarantiessurpapier,maisnondanslesfaits,l’équitépourlesIndiensmusulmansdemeureuneidéeutopique.

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the story of montreal: a cosmoPolitan metroPolis Without a municiPal Policy?annick germain, Professor, Centre Urbanisation Culture Société, Institut national de la recherche scientifique, Montréal.

the city: a Perfect engine for integrationAlthough both the selection of immigrants and

initial settlement programs have traditionally been theresponsibility of central governments, the managementoftheresultingculturaldiversityisgenerallylefttolocalcommunities and municipal governments. Faced withrapidly changing urban realities due to the increase ofinternationalimmigration,aswellastonumerouspoliticalreorientations imposed by higher levels of government,some municipalities have adopted very general policyguidelines. However, most are struggling with the dailymanagement of challenges posed by the recognition ofcultural diversity. City life implies a particular kind ofsociety,evenmoresoinametropoliswithuniquemeansfor integrating newcomers. It is therefore importantto understand these means and the particular flavourattached to each city. Given that each city has its ownstructure and history, each needs a unique strategy forencounteringdiversity.

Immigrationandthemetropolishavebeenlinkedforalongtime.NoonehasbetterexploredthislinkthanBerlinsociologistGeorgSimmelinThe Metropolis and Mental Life (1903).ForSimmel,The Stranger(1908)isnotreducedtotheimmigrant,butismorebroadlydefinedassomebodyfromoutside.Thisisanexperiencesharedbymanyinhabitantsofametropolis.Acenturylater,La métropole des individus, written by one of the most renowned French urbansociologists, Alain Bourdin, opens by revisiting Simmel,whosewriting inspires thiseminentlymodernreflection:“Themetropolisissimultaneouslyasocialorganisation,aneverydayindividualexperienceandacodifiedsetofwaysoflivingandthinking”(Bourdin,2005,p.22).Thetypicalcultural form of the metropolis is cosmopolitanism,whichinvolvesanexposuretoamixofculturalandsocialframesofreference,givingtheindividualthesimultaneousexperienceofbothproximityanddistancefromothers.Asweseebelow,bothoftheseframeworksareimportantforlivingtogetherharmoniouslyinurbansettings.

Immigration and the metropolis have also inspiredanother philosophical trend, around the idea of thefragmentedcity.Inthisnarrative,attentionisfocusedonsocial and ethnic divisions and segregation, betraying astrongsenseofnostalgia fora lost social cohesion (oftena utopian ideal). This narrative is anchored in urbanexperiencesincountrieslikeFranceandtheUnitedStates,butitisdebatableifitfitstheexperientialpastofCanadiancities. The three largest gateway cities for immigrants,Montreal,TorontoandVancouver,donotsharethesamehistoryofurbandevelopment.WhenEuropedominatedtheaffairsoftheworld,MontrealtoppedtheCanadianurbanhierarchy. However, with the ascendance of the UnitedStates,TorontosurpassedMontrealbothdemographicallyand economically. The more recent rise of the Asianeconomies has contributed to rapid economic growthin Vancouver.The specific characteristics of these threemetropoliseshaveshapeddifferentstoriesofimmigration.Understandingthesestorieshelpstoestablishtheroleofurban fabric and sociability in building a cosmopolitancity.

Montrealhasmanydistinguishingfeatures.Itisan“in-between” city, torn between two philosophies regardingthe integration of immigrants. On one hand stands thefederal model of multiculturalism. On the other standstheQuebecmodelofinter-culturalism,whichrecognizesdiversity while emphasizing exchange and integrationwithin a shared culturemarked by the French language.Myhypothesis is that inter-ethnic “living together”owesverylittletoeitherofthesepolicies,butagreatdealtothedailyexperienceofMontrealers.Thisexperienceisdeeplygroundedintheneighbourhoodlife.

Montrealersoriginatefromawidevarietyofcountries.The weight given to the French language in Quebec’simmigrationpolicyhasencouragedan importantflowofmigrants from Haiti, Algeria, Morocco and France.Thecityalsolackslargeethnicenclaves,whichareflourishinginTorontoandVancouver.Finally,recentimmigration,for

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anniCK germain

However,in1901lessthan5%ofMontreal’spopulationwascomposedofimmigrants,whichledhistorianPaul-AndréLinteautoarguethatMontrealwashardlyacosmopolitancityatthattime(Linteau,1982).Afewgroupsofnewcomerswereneverthelessintheprocessoflayingthefoundationsofanewgeographyofimmigration.Jews,ChinesemigrantsofCantonesebackground,andAfrican-Americanssettledindifferentdistrictsofthecity,beginningtobuildwhatarestill considered today their “founding neighbourhoods.”This concept draws on the work of Belgian sociologistJean Remy (1990), who discusses the processes andspaces that construct the cosmopolitan city. He focuseson cities in the Mediterranean basin between the latemiddleAgesandtheendofthe19thcentury,revealingthatthe cosmopolitan city is first built on a combination ofhomogeneous neighbourhoods and central public places.Ratherthanframedbyimposednormsofintegration,citylife in such places thrives on social interactions between different groups. These are based on the translation ofcodesofbehaviourfromonevocabularytoanotherwithinthose interstitial spaces where exchanges can take placefreely.Theeaseof interactingwithpeoplefromthesamecultural background, and the comfort of being able totakeone’sdistancefromcity life,areas importanttotheoverallcosmopolitandynamicasinter-culturalexchangesinpublicplaces.Afoundingneighbourhoodcangrowevenwhen residential trajectories take immigrants elsewhere.It operates as a compromise betweenhome country andhost country, but typically becomes a distinctive urbanform and even an attractive destination for others inthe contemporary city. A good example is Montreal’sChinatown,locatedattheendofthetraditionalimmigrantcorridorofBoulevardSaint-Laurent.AmorerecentoneisLittleMaghreb on Jean-Talon Street.However, foundingneighbourhoods can also be contested places, incitingnegotiationandsometimesevenconflicts,asinthecaseofthe Petite-Bourgogne, the neighbourhoodwhereAfricanAmericanssettledandwhichwas,inthe1990s,supposedtobethefoundingneighbourhoodofBlackcommunities.

from the golden age of little homelands to multi-ethnic neighbourhoods

The mid-20th century brought significant waves ofprimarily European immigrants. First Italians arrived,then Greeks and Portuguese. These immigrants, oftenfromruralbackgroundsandwithlittleeducation,notonlyquicklymadeaplace for themselves in thecity,but theyalso changed the architectural and culinary landscapeofMontreal.The Italians produced their own version oftheMontreal “duplex,” rowor terracedhousingmadeupof twoapartments, onedirectlyon topof theother.TheGreeksmade theirmark in the restaurant business, and

examplebyNorthAfricans,isdispersedacrosstheislandofMontreal,evenmuchmorethanearlierwavesofEuropeanimmigrants.Wenow turn to thehistoryof immigrationinMontreal fromanurbanperspective,beforereturningtothechallengesofmunicipalpoliciesinthe21stcentury.

a forgotten first chaPter?Today, religious pluralism seems to make the

immigration question much more complex than it wasbefore Quebecers rather recently discovered secularism,and came to adhere to what the French call laïcité.Thefounding narrative of the metropolis seems to havebeen largely forgotten.The city beganwith amissionaryproject that pushed a handful of French devotees wholandedon the island in1642 to “convert the savages,” astheIroquoiswereknownbythesettlers.Afewyearsafterthis,thePriestsSocietyoftheSaint-SulpiceSeminarysentfour missionaries to create the ideal Catholic society, aChristiancitytobebuiltontheisland.Today,theSulpicianSeminary still houses missionaries in the shadow ofNotre-DameBasilica,inwhatisnowcalledOldMontreal.Another distinguishing feature of early Montreal wasthe cadastral survey, a way of dividing land to give allearly inhabitantsaccesstotheriver. Itcreatedaseriesofcôtes,whichbeganasportionsof landdivided intoplotsthatwerebisectedalong their lengthby a road (Marsan,1981).Theseterritorieswereimportantforsocialcohesionand they structured neighbourhood life in particularways.The resulting neighbourhoods coincided first withparishes, and later with suburbs. This urban form waslater perpetuated by immigrants who developed “ethnicvillages” at the turn of the 20th century. Nevertheless,throughouttheFrenchregime,Montrealremainedaverysmallandquitehomogeneouscity,albeitonefromwhichexpeditionswerelaunchedthatsweptacrossagoodpartofthecontinent.

a rising metroPolis: a mosaic of neighbourhoods, yet not quite cosmoPolitan

AftertheBritishConquestof1759,settlersofFrench,Scottish,Irish,AmericanandBritishdescentbuiltamosaicof neighbourhoods, and the urban landscape becameincreasinglysegmentedalongethniclines,withlinguistic,religious, and cultural divisions. Separate networks ofcultural,charitable,andeconomicorganizationsweresetupineachneighbourhood.Thisservedtominimizetensionsbetween diverse groups (McNicoll, 1993). This socio-spatialsegregationwasinresponsetotheneedforculturalwell-being,anditfacilitatedcoexistencebetweendifferentgroups.Thismodelofintegrationbywayofsegmentationwas imitated by immigrants arriving from other partsof theworld from the turn of the 20th century onwards.

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the storY oF montreaL: a CosmopoLitan metropoLis without a muniCipaL poLiCY?

WhiletheadjacentneighbourhoodofPetit-Plateaubecamethe heartland of a Francophone cultural avant-garde,inspiredbytheQuietRevolution,theMile-Endremainedanin-betweenspace.Itwasalittlehavenofpeaceinacityoftentroubledbylinguisticandpoliticaltensions,whereanumberofverydiversegroupsfoundthemselvesembracinga cosmopolitan indeterminacy and a sense of multiplecommitments.However,theideaofcosmopolitanismhasalso, on occasion, triggered resistance in the context ofaminority society suchasQuebec, embroiled indebatesovernationalsovereignty.DanielLatouchehighlightsthisin his discussion of Montreal’s cosmopolitanism of thebazaar(Latouche,1990),inwhichhypersensitivityleadstotheperceptionthatdiversityposesa threat toQuébécoisidentity, which risks being defined only in terms of acommonFrench-Canadianculture.

Attheturnofthe21stcentury,territoriesofimmigrationbecame more fluid. Neighbourhoods that were formerlybastionsofFrancophoneofEuropeandescentbegantobesettledbynewimmigrants.Numbersofrecentimmigrantsalso rose in theWest Island, traditionally home to long-establishedAnglophones.Thespreadofimmigrantstotheouter suburbs is still limited compared to thegeographyofimmigrationinTorontoorVancouver,butitisgrowing.On the island of Montreal, many middle-class suburbsarequitemulti-ethnic,whichis lesscommonbeyondtheisland. One major exception is Brossard, on the southshoreofMontreal.WiththeestablishmentofimmigrantsfromHongKongsincethe1980s,averymulti-ethnicandwealthy suburb has developed there. Dansereau et al. demonstratethatimmigrantsarelivinginmuchdiversifiedurbanmilieus,fromdowntowntothesuburbs,frompoorareastouppermiddleclasssectorsofthecity(Dansereauet al.,2012).

a story Without a municiPal Policy?Itwould be unfair to end this storywithout a short

word about themulti-dimensional role ofmunicipalitieson the island ofMontreal. Two of these dimensions areworthhighlightinghere.Oneissymbolic,andsignificantfor appreciating a local culture of hospitality towardsnewcomers. For example, in 2004 the City of Montrealadopted the Déclaration de Montréal pour la diversité culturelle et l’inclusion, and more recently the city wasrecognizedasCité interculturellebytheCouncilofEurope.Earlyon,Montreal’swasamongthefirstmunicipalitiestoexpressconcern forwelcomingdiversityandrecognizingthelegaciesofpreviouswavesofimmigrantswithinpublicplaces,suchaswiththeformerPlaceduPortugal.MayorBourque(1994-2001)wasparticularlydevotedtothatgoal,andregularlyconveyedacosmopolitanvisionforthecity.ThemayorofBrossardsince2009,PaulLeduc,isalsoproud

the Portuguese played a decisive role in the re-conquestof central neighbourhoods. Despite arriving with littlemoney and earning lowwages, the Portuguesemanagedto buy and renovate old housing that, until then, nativeMontrealers had regarded with disdain as dilapidatedworking-classhousing.Paintingfaçadesinbrightcolours,the Portuguese took over part of a district that wouldbecomeoneof thehippest inthemetropolis, thePlateauMont-Royal.ThisMontrealof“littlehomelands”inspiredthenovelistClaudeJasmin(1972),andbecameacampaignslogan formunicipal elections in the 1970s.Montrealersbegantojumpontotheband-wagonofcosmopolitanism,with its hedonistic variety of gastronomic and otherconsumer choices. Continued immigrationmade a deepand lasting impression on the lifestyle of Montrealers,particularlythoselivinginthecentraldistricts,wherethehighconcentrationofimmigrantsofferedapartialbufferagainstademographicdeclinecausedbyanexodustotherapidly-growingsuburbs.

The 1980s and 1990s saw another transformation inMontreal’s landscape, as Canada’s immigration policywas overhauled. This opened the country to migrantsfromso-called“ThirdWorld”countriesinthewakeoftheGenevaConvention.Thecountryadoptedapointsystemto attract immigrants based on their human capital.Family reunification policies were deracialized, and thetarget numbers of immigrants for Canada and Quebecwere repeatedly raised.These new waves of immigrantscame frommoreurban areas and fromawider range ofcountries.Theywerealsobettereducatedthanthenative-bornpopulation.Formerethnicvillagesbecamemarkedlymulti-ethnicneighbourhoods.Immigrantsalsosettledforthefirsttimeinneighbourhoodssituatedfurtherfromthecitycentre.Anextensivestudyofcommunitylifeoninter-ethnic“living together”showsthatpublicsociabilitywascertainly detached, but relatively peaceful. Immigrantstended to bedeeply involved in community life, and themost multi-ethnic neighbourhoods seemed to have theleast inter-ethnic tensions (Germain, 1995). The returnofeconomicgrowthinthemiddleofthe1990s,aswellasa relatively affordable housingmarket and new culinarytraditions brought by recent immigrants seem to havedonemore to fostermutualconcessions thananyofficialintegration policy. A sort of “soft cosmopolitanism” or“cosmopolitanismbydefault”wasontherise,inlargepartthankstothespreadofaparticularkindofmetropolitanmentality amongmanyMontrealers (Germain&Radice,2006). Damaris Rose found the seed of a discourse ofcosmopolitanism in neighbourhoods such as Mile-End,where Anglophone students and marginal Francophoneand European gentrifiers came to share the same publicspacesinthemiddleofanimmigrantcorridor(Rose,1995).

30

reFerenCes

Bourdin, A. [2005] La métropole des individus. Paris: Éditions del’Aube.

Dansereau, F., Germain, A. & Vachon, N. [2012] La diversité des milieux de vie de la région montréalaise et la place de l’immigration.Montréal:CMQ-IM.

Germain,A.&Radice,M.[2006]Cosmopolitanismbydefault:publicsociability in Montreal. In J. Binnie, Holloway J., Millington S. &YoungC.(Eds.)Cosmopolitan Urbanism:112-130.London:Routledge.

Linteau,P.-A.(Ed.)[1982]Lamontéeducosmopolitismemontréalais.In Questions de culture: 23-53. Québec: Institut québécois derecherchesurlaculture.

McNicoll, Cl. [1993] Montréal, une société multiculturelle. Paris:Berlin.

Marsan,J.-Cl.[1981]Montreal in evolution: historical analysis of the development of Montreal’s architecture and urban environment.Kingston&Montreal:McGill-Queen’s University Press.

Latouche,D.[1990]Le bazaar: des anciens Canadiens aux nouveaux Québécois.Montréal:Boréal.

Remy,J.[1990]Lavillecosmopoliteetlacoexistenceinter-ethnique.In A. Bastenier et F. Dassetto (Eds.) Immigration et nouveaux pluralismes: une confrontation de sociétés: 85-105. Bruxelles: DeBoeck.

Germain, A. & Gagnon, J. E. [2003] Minority places of worship and zoning dilemmas in Montreal. Planning Theory and Practice, 4(3):295-318.

Poirier,C.,Germain,A.&Billette,A.[2006]Diversityinsportsandrecreation: achallengeoranasset for themunicipalitiesofGreaterMontreal?Canadian Journal of Urban Research,15(2):38-49.

Rose,D.[1995]LeMile-End,unmodèlecosmopolite?InA.Germain,B.Blanc,J.Charbonneau,F.DansereauetD.Rose(Eds.)Cohabitation interethnique et vie de quartier:53-94.Montréal:GouvernementduQuébec,ministère desAffaires internationales, de l’Immigration etdesCommunautésculturelles,collectionÉtudesetrecherchesNo 12.

tounderlinethemultiethnicqualityofhiswealthysuburb.Theotherdimensionworthnotingismorepragmatic,andhas taken very different forms in municipalities of theMontrealregion.Itishighlightedinastudyweconductedin2001-2003,concerningmanagementpracticesinsocialhousing, sports and leisure facilities, and in the zoningofplacesofworship,threemunicipaldomains importantfor new and oldMontrealers alike (Poirier et al., 2006).Whilemunicipalactorshaveoftenbeencaughtoff-guardbymattersofreligion,interestinglearningandnegotiationopportunities at the local level have happened in ad hoc, but effective ways. This demonstrates an ability to arriveat“compromisesofco-existence,”evenonsensitivequestionssuchasreligion(Germain&Gagnon,2003).Onhousing issues,municipal responsibilities will be crucialinthefuture,withthedramaticshortageofsufficientandaffordablerentalhousing.Thecityisstillastrongenginefor integration, but municipal policies will be requiredtohelpnewimmigrantsfacingevergreaterdifficulties infindingaffordablehomes.Thisseemstobeoneofthenewchallengesthatneedtoberesolvedforthesakeofahappycosmopolitanmetropolis.

anniCK germain

31

l'histoire de montrÉal: une mÉtroPole cosmoPolite dÉPourvue d’une Politique municiPale ?

La sélection et l’établissement des immigrantsrelèventdesprérogativesdesgouvernementsd’instan-ces supérieurs, laissant la gestion de la diversitéculturelleauxinstanceslocalesetmunicipales.Toutesles municipalités n’adoptent pas nécessairement despolitiquesformellesàceteffet.Ilfautdirequelaville,et a fortiori une métropole, est un corps social quia des vertus particulières en matière d’intégration,commel’avaitbienmontréGeorgSimmelaudébutdu XXesiècle.Unsiècleplustard,AlainBourdinreprendrases propos pour définir La métropole des individus comme une organisation sociale, une expérienceindividuelle quotidienne et un ensemble de codesde vie et de pensée. Le cosmopolitisme est alors laforme culturelle typiquede lamétropole; l’individu yexpérimentesimultanémentproximitéetdistanceavecautrui, à l’occasion d’une exposition à une variété decadresderéférencessociauxetculturels.

Comprendrel’histoired’unemétropoleetsesvertusd’intégrationdevientdoncunetâcheimportante,avantmême qu’il soit question d’une politique municipaled’intégration. C’est donc cette histoire que l’on varetracer, en quelques étapes. Le premier chapitre,généralement oublié par les temps qui courent, destemps tourmentés par un débat sur la laïcité, nousrappellepourtant lamissionreligieusequiaprésidéàsafondationen1642.Cettehistoireestaussid’embléecelledequartierscorrespondantà soncadastreetquivontdevenirdespiliersdanslamosaïquemontréalaisesur le mode de l’intégration par segmentation aprèsla Conquête anglaise de 1759. Les premières vaguesd’immigrants internationauxpoursuivront cemodèle,aveclesquartiersfondateursdespremièrescommunautésjuives,chinoises,etdeNoirsaméricainsautournantduXXe siècle, alors que le cosmopolitisme de Montréalsemble encore balbutiant. Lemodèle se poursuit avecl’arrivéedespremièresvaguesd’immigrantseuropéens,quelques décennies plus tard. Mais ces immigrantsitaliens,grecsetportugaisvonteuxaussi transformerlepaysagearchitectural…etculinairedeMontréal.Cespetites patries, pour reprendre l’expression deClaudeJasmin,consacrentlecosmopolitismedesMontréalais,

version hédonique,mais contribuent aussi à endiguerle déclin démographique amorcé avec l’exode versles banlieues. À partir des années 1980, le paysagemontréalais se transforme à nouveau avec l’arrivéed’immigrantsenprovenancedespaysduTiers-Monde,pour reprendre l’expression de l’époque, et les petitespatriesouvillages ethniquesdeviennentdesquartiersrésolumentmultiethniques,commeleserontbientôtàpeuprèstouslesquartiersmontréalais.Leretourdelacroissanceéconomiqueaumilieudesannées1990,unmarchédulogementrelativementouvertetlesnouvelleshabitudesculinairesapportéesparlesimmigrantsvontstimuler un apprivoisement de la diversité culturelleet une cohabitation certes distante, mais néanmoinsharmonieuse de façon plus efficace que n’importequellepolitique interculturelle. Si onpeutdiscuterdel’interprétationàdonneràcecosmopolitismeambiant,onnepeutniersavigueur,notammentdanscequartierinterstitielqu’estleMile-End.

Aujourd’hui,lesimmigrantssontétablisdansunegrandediversitédemilieuxdevie,commelemontrentplusieursétudes.Danscettehistoirede l’immigrationà Montréal retracée à grand trait, il n’est pas faitmentiondu rôledespolitiquesmunicipales.Pourtant,elles interviennent à deux niveaux. Le premier, maisnon le moindre peut être qualifié de symbolique. Ilcorrespondpar exemple à laDéclaration de Montréal pour la diversité culturelle et l’inclusion,adoptéeparlaVilledeMontréalen2004.CesgestessymboliquessontimportantspourenvoyerauxnouveauxMontréalaisunmessaged’hospitalité.Surundeuxièmeniveau, il fautsituer les différentes pratiques de gestion municipalede la diversité dans des domaines aussi variés que lessports et loisirs ou l’aménagement des lieux de culte.Plusieurs recherches ont montré la diversité de cespratiques dans la région montréalaise, mais aussi lacapacité de faire des compromis de coexistence dontelles témoignent.Aujourd’hui, de nouveaux enjeux sedessinentpour l’instancemunicipaleàMontréaldansledomainedu logement:degrands logements locatifsabordablesétantdevenusunedenréerareàMontréal,cequirisqued’entraverlapoursuitedelaconstructionde lamétropolecosmopolite.C’estàceniveauque lesmunicipalités pourront peut-être le plus efficacementaccompagnerletravaild’intégrationopéréparailleursparlafabriqueurbaine.

the storY oF montreaL: a CosmopoLitan metropoLis without a muniCipaL poLiCY?

32

the role of ngo's in the integration of immigrants in montreal: the eXamPle of south asiansanna maria fiore, Ph.D. Centre Urbanisation Culture Société, Institut national de la recherche scientifique, Montreal, and Associate Researcher, Centre d’études ethniques des universités montréalaises.

32

introductionImmigrantintegrationisacomplexprocessinvolving

timeandalargenumberofcivilsocisecularetyactors.Italsoencompassesmanydimensions.Linguisticandeconomicintegrationareoftenattheforefront.Nevertheless,a fullintegration implies political and social participation. ForKunz(2005),successfulimmigrantintegrationdependsonsocialcapital.Forthisauthor,socialcapital isdefinedas:“networks of social relations that provide access to needresourcesandsupports.”

Both bonding and bridging social capital are keyfactors for integration. The bonding social capital, defined as ties that bind similar individuals together,plays an important role in the pre-migration andimmigrationstages,aswellasforsettlement.Thissocialcapital supports the immigrant by: 1) giving him basicinformation on the receiving country resources, and 2)helping in meeting basic needs (employment, housing,welcoming community, security, etc.). This socialcapital helps immigrants to get by, orienting them andpermittingabetteradaptation to thenewenvironment.Bonding social capitalhelpsovercome theculture shock associatedtomigration.Thebridgingandlinking capitals arealsouseful forabetter integration.They forge linksbetween immigrants and other networks encompassingindividuals of different social, economic and culturalbackgrounds. These social capital categories favourize the access to more resources and improve civic andpolitical participation. Social capital is produced byindividualsaswellasgroups.Thelatteriscalledcollective social capital intheliterature.Itismoreofa“political,”socialcapitalcategory.

Ourresearchobjectivewastounderstandthecreationof the collective capital by the Montreal South Asianassociative network. In this paper, we will explore howthecollectivesocialcapitalhelpsSouthAsianimmigrantintegration. We will begin with a short section on themethodology. Then we will present their associative

networkandexplorewithsomecasestudieshowithelpsintegration.WewillconcludewithadiscussiononSouthAsianNGO'sroleinimmigrantintegration.

methodologyMy interest for the SouthAsians is grounded inmy

workexperienceat thecityofMontreal.This immigrantgroup, composed mostly of Indian immigrants, waschosen because it has greatly contributed to the city’ssocio-demographic and cultural transformation in thepastfiftyyearsanditisstillnotwell-researchedinQuebec.In2006-2007, Iconducted39semi-structured interviewswithfirstandsecondgenerationcommunityleaders.TheseSouthAsianleaderswerequiterepresentativeofthegroupdiversity and gender ratio inMontreal.The recruitmentstrategy involved key informants, community members,andpubliccivilservantswhoworkedwiththisgroup.

the community netWorKTheir community network has developed gradually

with little governmental support. Cities like Montrealand Dollard-des-Ormeaux have been helpful to theircommunity development. South Asian associationsreceived support in different ways: financial supportsthrough various social programs, free or low costoffices for theirNGO's, etc. Some leaders claim that theSouth Asian community is not well understood anddiscriminatedagainst:“WearenotWhite.Wewerenevertrulyaccepted.Oneoftheimportantproblemsisthelackof understanding of the so-calledHost society. In fact itis racism. It became worst after September 11th.” The2006 census indicates three concentration areas of theSouth Asian visibleminority in the center of the islandof Montreal: Parc-Extension, de la Savane and Norgate(Figure 1).Visibleminority refers to the visibleminoritygrouptowhichtherespondentbelongs.TheEmployment Equity Act defines visible minorities as “persons, otherthanAboriginalpeoples,whoarenon-Caucasianinraceor

33

the roLe oF ngo's in the integration oF immigrants in montreaL: the exampLe oF south asians

Asian immigrantsassociations infindingbasicresourcesfortheirmembers.Theyareaswellsupportiveinmeetingfirstneedsandcontributeindefendingimmigrants’socialand civil rights, helping South Asian integration. Thebonding links favour the South Asian “post-migratoryidentity” which is, according to some authors, morepoliticalthanethnic.

On the other hand, the analysis of South Asianassociations links indicates that most of them have some regular and frequent ties with other networks (Table 2). Their network produces as well bridging andlinking collective capital linking some individuals to thecivilsocietyandenablingthemtofindmoreresourcesaswellasimprovingtheirsocialandpoliticalparticipations.

non-whiteincolour”(StatisticsCanada,2007).Thoseareasare economically deprived.They are regarded as “ethnicenclaves.”Nevertheless,someimportanttemplesandsmallassociationsarelocatedinmiddleclassMontrealboroughsandcitiesasLaSalle,Dollard-desOrmeauxandBrossard.

The South Asian associative network has diversifieditself.In2007,forty-seven(47)associationswereidentifiedin the Montreal metropolitan area. The communitystructuralization tookplace in the fifties.Nowadays, theSouth Asian network has achieved a good institutionalcompleteness. Those associations give some services(orientation, document translation, language courses,etc.) and collaborate with the governmental agenciesresponsible for the immigrant settlement services.Theyorganizesocialandrecreationalactivities.Wehavedividedthesegmentsofthenetworkinninecategories,accordingtotheirorientationandtheirtypesofactivities(Table1).

The first in importance is the religious one (30% ofthe whole). It is composed by a diversity of institutions:mandirs, gurdwara and Islamic associations.The secondcategoryisthenationalorregionalone(20%ofthewhole).Thecountriesrepresentedare:India,Pakistan,Bangladeshand Sri Lanka, which are the four major South Asianimmigrantcountriesoforigin.Theothersaresectoral(ex.:business,culture, social,etc.).Weobservedadiversityofmembers from various countries in the social category.ThissectorrepresentsthemostimportantcategoryoftheSouthAsiannetwork(60%).Fortypercentofthenetworkis religious or ethnic. The ties that are created by thisnetwork aremultiple. On the one hand, this network ischaracterizedbybondinglinks.ThoselinkshelptheSouth

table 1: south asian associative categories in montreal – 2007CategorY assoCiation name

1) Business Quebec-IndiaBusinessCouncil, Indo-CanadaChamberofCommerce

2) Communication

AsiaCanadaLeaderMulticulturalNewspaper,Indiavision,ImagesduBangladesh,HindusPostinc.,Nouvellesasiatiquescanadiennes,Pragati,BharatTimes,

3) Culture

KalaBharatiFoundation,NrithyalaFoundation,Sociétédeculturehindoue,SociétédemusiqueBharatya,SociétéDurkaiAmmanKoyil, KathakaliOpusIX

4) Education HindiQuebecAssociation,Centred’études etderessourcesdel’AsieduSud

5) Social Clubdel’âged’ordupeupled’origineindienne,HimalayaSeniorsduQuebec,BharatBhavanFoundation,CanadianSikhCouncil

6) Sport Cricket Club

7) Region

AssociationThamilarOlli,Associationmondialetamoule,AssociationEelamduQuébec,AssociationgoanaiseduQuébec,PakistanAssociationofQuebecinc.,AssociationdesPakistanaisKhybecduQuébec,Sociétépakistanaise-canadienneduQuébec,InternationalSocietyofBangladesh

8) Religion

AssociationGurudawaraGuruNanakDarbar,AssociationinternationalepourlaconsciencedeKrisnaCanada,AssociationislamiqueShianeHaideryinc.,Associationzoroastrienne,CentredeyogaIyengar,HinduMissionofCanadainc.,MissionSaivaduQuébec,MaisondeDieuQuébec(GurudawaraSahibQuebec,inc)., ShreeRamjiTempleMandhata,HinduTemplehindouofQuebec,TempleRamgi,Gurbani Sagar(Montreal-SriGuruRavidassTemple)

9) Women SouthAsianWomenCommunityCenter, Cercledesfemmesd’origineindienne

Source: Répertoire ethnoculturel de Montréal 2007 et enquête terrain

Source: Statistique Canada, census 2006 2. Credit: Nathalie Vachon, INRS

34

anna maria Fiore

tieswiththeCanadaArtsCouncilandtheQuebecDanceAssociation.ThisNGOhasproducedbondingandbridging socialcapital.Forashortperiod,withgovernmentsupport,the bridging tieswere improved.With thedisappearanceof thosegovernmentalprograms, theNGO's actions andprojects were undermined. Today the bridging activities have a limited impact despite members’ commitment.Further cuts affecting the federal government programshavehadnegativeimpactsonKBF.

The Bharat Bhavan Foundation (BBF) favouredthe integration of the most vulnerable immigrants.The organization produced bonding ties between members of various national and religious groups. Inthe 1990s, their charter was modified to include thelocal community's social, educative and economicdevelopment.Itdemocratizeditsstructureandincreasedwomen's participation. One woman was the presidentoftheassociationandanotheronewascoordinatorofasection in 2007. Many projects improving the bridging capacityoftheorganizationwithothernetworks(cities,provincial and federal governments) were developed.Later on, the Quebec government's support decreased.The activities of this center are today largely self-supported. The association’s bridging activities are less frequent and valorized and the bonding activities have gainedimportance.

The South Asian Women Community Center(SAWCC)hasgonethroughalongprocesstogainrecognitionandsupport. It survived many years with the support of SouthAsianvolunteerwomenandthecityofMontreal.This NGO's originality rests in its specific feministapproach. It first faced marginalization, even from itsowncommunity.Their feminist visionwas antagonistictowards some South Asian associations who criticizedit sometimes strongly because “it breaks the family.”Also, their feminist perspective was different from themainstreamfeministNGO'sinQuebec.Forexample,men,generallyrelatives(sons,husbands)maybecomemember

some case studiesWe will present in this section five examples of

associations that have produced collective social capitalto explore how they have been helpful in immigrantintegration.Wehave selected those associations becausethey have many Indian members, they have existed foryears and have produced three types of collective socialcapital (bonding, bridgingandlinking)(Table3).

The Kala Bharati Foundation (KBF) has a diversemembership (Indian, Bangladeshi, French Canadian andotherorigins).Inthe1990s,amunicipalculturalprogramhelped them to reach a larger public. They organizedactivities mixing Indian and Quebec modern dancetraditions. Furthermore, educative projects were donewith various schools.The associationdevelopedbridging

table 2: strengths of south asian organizations links with other networks – montreal 2007

organizationLinKs strenght

none weaK medium strong

SouthAsianAllianceofQuebec X

QuebecGoanAssociation X

NationalAssociation ofCanadiansof IndianOriginsinIndia

X

India-CanadaAssociation X

SouthAsianWomen CommunityCenter X

Indo-Canada ChamberofCommerce X

Cercledesfemmes d’origineindienne X

Clubdel’âged’ordu peupled’origineindienne X

Quebec-IndiaBusinessCouncil X

CanadianSikhCouncil X

BharatBhavanFoundation X

KalaBharatiFoundation X

NrithyalaFoundation X

BharatTimesJournal X

HimalayaSeniorsduQuébec X

MaisondeDieuQuébec(GurudawaraSahibQuebec,inc). X

HinduMissionofCanada X

India-CanadaOrganization X

InternationalSociety ofBangladesh X

HinduMandir Dollard-desOrmeaux X X

Source: Anna Maria Fiore Field work 2007

table 3: case studies

organization name Foundation date aCtiVities

KalaBharatiFoundation 1981 Cultural(neoclassicalIndiandance)

BharatBhavanFoundation 1984 Socialandrecreational

SouthAsianWomenCommunityCenter

1981 Womancenter

Canadian SikhCouncil 2001 Socialandcivilright

Quebec-IndiaBusinessCouncil 2004 Business

35

the roLe oF ngo's in the integration oF immigrants in montreaL: the exampLe oF south asians

solidarity, cooperation and integration. Our researchhas documented the completeness of their associativenetwork. This network is almost self-supported. Fromthe data we collected, we find evidence as well of theexistenceofanimportantbridgingandlinking collective socialcapitalwhichhelpsintegrationtothenewsociety.Some South Asian associations have regular ties withcivil society. Nevertheless, some organizations arestill not well recognized and supported. For some ofthem the governmental support has decreasedwith thereorientation of diversity management policies of bothfederalandprovincialgovernments.Thisbringsustothequestionofwhether theSouthAsiannetworkcan solveall the integration problems. The answer is complex.The South Asian is the most segregated group of theMontrealmetropolitanarea.Thistrendisevenhigherforthe third generation (Apparico, Rivet & Leloup, 2006).TheSouthAsian isolation indexhas increased inrecentyears (Hou & Picot, 2004). Furthermore, South Asiansare concentrated inpoor “ethnic enclaves”ofMontreal.South Asians have in average a lower income than thewholeQuebecpopulation.TheunemploymentrateisalsohigherthantheQuebecpopulation(15%to7%)(QuebecMICC, 2010). Linguistic integration is also a sensitiveissue. Ifamajorpartof thegroupknowsEnglish (87%),only about half know French (48.2%). Furthermore, theproportion of persons who know neither French norEnglish (8%) indicates the necessity of special supportmeasures. Finally, data indicate a high proportion ofdeparture from the province, especially for the Indianimmigranteconomiccategory(QuebecMICC,2011).

But when we took a closer look at the data, weobserved some positive integration indicators. AmodestsuburbanizationofsomeCanadian-bornSouthAsians inhighersocioeconomicareasillustratesanupwardmobility.The proportion of persons over 15 years old who haveauniversitydegree is alsohigherwhen compared to theQuebec population. Ultimately, those indicators suggestthattheclassical integrationassimilationmodeldoesnotapply toSouthAsians inQuebec.Rather, it appears thatthe segmented integration model (Safi 2008) involvingvarious economic integration and cultural acculturationdegrees illustrates better the Quebec South Asian case.TheSouthAsianbondingassociativesocialcapitalremainsthe major resource for them while bridging collective social capital has been declining. It appears that NGO'scollectivecapital“cannotreplaceotherformsofcapitaltoproduceunrealisticsocialandeconomicoutcomesbeyondthemateriallimitsofitscontextualboundaries”(Li,2004,p.187).IstheSouthAsianexampleappearingtosumupa“newtrend”inimmigrantintegrationsilentlyquestioningtheQuebecpoliticalagendaregardingsocialequity?

of the SAWCC, although they are not admitted on theboardofdirectors.Consequently, itwasnot recognizedasawomen'scenteranddidn’treceivefinancialsupportfromQuebec.AfteritsparticipationtotheWorldMarchofWomen in 1995 it finally integrated themainstreamfeminist associative network. It now belongs to theRegroupement des centres de femmes du Québec. Sincethen, it has been supported by theQuebec governmentandhasbeenable to improve its servicesandactivities.It has gained recognition among civil society aswell aswithintheSouthAsiancommunity.FromabondingtypeofNGOithasevolvedtoamorebridgingcategory.

The Canadian Sikh Council (CSC) is anotherrelatively new organization. This NGO was createdto sensitize the civil society about Sikhism, and standagainstdiscrimination,particularlydiscriminationbasedon religion and race. It has been active in various issueslinkedtotheSikhcommunityandimmigrantintegration.ThisNGOisself-supportedbythemembers.IthassomecontactswiththeQuebecgovernment,thecityofMontrealand other institutions regarding various issues. It hascollaborated with Canadian universities to implementcourses on Sikhism. It cooperates with governmentaland non-governmental agencies to assist immigrantsand refugees. It helpsMontreal school boards to informparentsaboutyouths'andstudents' integration.ForCSC,educationiscrucialtoimprovepublicawarenessregardingSikhQuebecers,butthelackofresources(duetoasmallcommunityandlackofgovernmentalhelp)isanobstacletobuildingsomeregularactivitiestoimprovebridging ties withthecivilsociety.

The Quebec-India Business Council (QIBC) wasfoundedbyformermembersoftheIndo-CanadaChamberofCommerce(ICCC).Initiallythe“secessionists”wantedto break the links with ICCC because this federativeorganizationwasTorontobased.Itpromotesthebusinessinterests of itsmembers aswell ashelps trade relationsbetween India and Quebec. This association includesSouth Asianmembers as well as Quebecers. It’s a self-supportassociation.QIBChassomeimportantsponsors,such asDesjardins, CAE, andAir Canada. It organizesdifferent networking activities (luncheon seminars,cocktails, etc.). It also has a student grant program. ItwaspartoftheQuebecgovernmentseedmissioninIndiain2005.TheQIBCactivitiesareclearlyorientedtowardbridgingties.

conclusionThe South Asian community is one of the most

heterogeneous ethnic groups in Montreal. Languages,nationalities, religions, gender, class and casts aresomeof the factors thatmaybeclaimedasobstacles to

36

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Picher,V. Renaud, J.&Gingras, L. [2002] Economic Integration ofnew Immigrants in the Montreal Labor Market: A LongitudinalApproach.Population-E,57(1):57-82.

le rÔle des ong dans l'intÉgration des immigrants À montrÉal: l'eXemPle des sud-asiatiques

L’intégration des immigrants est complexe,demandedutempsetcomprendplusieursdimensions:linguistique, économique, sociale et politique. Il s’agit d’un processus individuel et collectif danslequelàlafoisl’acteuretlasociétécivileontunepartimportante.PourKunz, l’intégrationdes immigrantsdépendducapitalsocial.Nousexploronsiciàtraversl’exempledesSud-Asiatiquescommentlecapitalsocialcollectif peut soutenir l’intégration des immigrants.Nous utilisons les catégories du capital social(bonding, bridging et linking)développéesparPutnametWoolcookpourqualifierl’influenceducapitalsocialassociatifsurleurintégration.

Cetterechercheexploratoireestbaséesurl’analysede 39 entrevues réalisées en 2006-2007 auprès desleaders de première et de deuxième génération de cegroupe. Cette analyse nous a permis de dresser unportraitduréseauassociatifsud-asiatiqueetdequalifierlecapitalsocialcollectifproduitparsesorganisations.À la lumière de l’analyse de quelques indicateurscourants d’intégration tels que la ségrégation,l’indiced’isolement, le revenu, le tauxde chômage, laconnaissancedufrançaisetlaprésencedesimmigrants,nous discuterons du rôle du capital social collectifimmigrantsurl’intégration.

Cet article comprend trois sections. La premièreporte sur la méthodologie. La seconde sur le réseauassociatif sud-asiatique à Montréal. La troisièmeprésente quelques études de cas représentatives dela diversité des organisations de ce groupe. L’analysede ces organisations nous permet d’explorer dans letemps comment le capital social collectif a contribuéà l’intégration des immigrants. En conclusion nousdiscutonsdeslimitesetdescontraintesducapitalsocialimmigrantsurl’intégration.

Le réseau associatif sud-asiatique s’est développédepuislesannées1950àMontréalavecpeudesupportgouvernemental. Il est peu connu et reconnu par lasociété civile. Néanmoins, en dépit des ressourceslimitéesde lacommunauté, leréseauaatteintunbonniveau de complétude institutionnelle. Nous avonsrecensé 47 associations sud-asiatiques au QuébeclocaliséesdanslarégiondeMontréal,surtoutaucentre,à l’Ouest de l’île et dans les banlieues Sud et Nord.Nous avons classé les organisations sud-asiatiquesen neuf catégories: affaires, communication, culture,éducation, femmes, social, sport, région, religion. Siles deux catégories les plus importantes sur le plannumériquesontcellesdelareligionetdesrégions(40%)–entreautres,enraisondelagrandediversiténationaleet religieuse de ce groupe – le réseau associatif estmajoritairement composé d’organisations sectorielles(60%)qui regroupentdespersonnesde cultures etdenationalitésdiverses.

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Ces associations réalisent de nombreuses acti-vitéséducatives,économiques,sociales,culturellesetreligieuses. Certaines de ces organisations donnentégalement des services importants favorisant unemeilleure intégration des immigrants: orientation,information,interprétariat,traductiondedocuments,accompagnementdanslesdémarchesadministrativesdiverses liées à l’établissement, cours de langue,etc. Celles-ci jouent également un rôle de passerelle entre les immigrants et les organismes d’établisse-ment subventionnéspar le gouvernementduQuébecpuisqu’ellessontenmesured’offrirdel’interprétariatdansplusieurslanguesetdialectessud-asiatiquespeuconnusauCanada.Leslienscréésparlesassociationssud-asiatiquessontmultiples.Leréseausud-asiatiqueforge des liens entre les membres de ce groupe soitun capital social bonding. De plus, la majorité desorganisations sud-asiatiques produit des liens avecd’autresréseaux(bridging et linking).

Nous avons présenté les études de cas de cinqorganisations dont les domaines d’activités touchentàdes enjeux importantsd’intégrationpour ce groupesur le plan culturel, social, des droits de la personneet économique. L’analyse diachronique des activitésde ces organisations permet d’explorer l’influence dedivers facteurs sur l’orientationdes liens crééspar lesassociations comme le financement gouvernemental.Cetteanalysemetenlumièrelaproductiondeplusieurstypesdecapitalsocialparlesorganisationsainsiquelerôleimportantquelesoutienétatiquepeutjouerdanslacréationde liensentre lesassociations immigranteset d’autres réseaux.Elle révèle que la décroissancedusoutien financier pour certaines associations dans lesannées 1990 a eu des répercussions sur l’impact desactivités.Deplus,lesobstaclesrencontrésparcertainesorganisations pour être pleinement reconnues par

la société civile limitent et retardent leur potentield’interventiondansledomainedel’intégration.

L’examendecertainsindicateursstatistiquessurlasituationdesSud-AsiatiquesauQuébecnouspermetdemieuxsaisircertainesdimensionsdel’intégrationdecesimmigrantsquinesemblepascorrespondreaumodèled’assimilationclassique.D’unepart,certainsindicateursrévèlent que ce groupe est l’un des plus ségréguéset isolés de Montréal même pour les personnes detroisièmegénération.LesSud-Asiatiquesontégalementdesrevenusplusbasetuntauxdechômageplusélevéque l’ensemble de la population québécoise. De plus,l’intégration linguistique de ce groupe est égalementunequestioncontroverséepuisqu’unepartimportantede leur population ne connaît pas le français. Enoutre, la présence des Sud-Asiatiques au Québec estplus faible que celle d’autres groupes d’immigrants.Par contre,uneanalyseplus approfondiedesdonnéesstatistiques indique que certains immigrants etimmigrantes réussissent beaucoupmieux à s’intégrer.Une suburbanisation modeste dans des quartiersde classe moyenne est documentée. La proportionde personnes âgées de plus de 15 ans détenant desdiplômes universitaires est aussi plus élevée que celleobservéepourl’ensembledelapopulationduQuébec.Deplus,laprésenced’hommesetdefemmesdansdessecteursprofessionnelscommelesaffaires,lesfinances,l’administration, les sciences et l’enseignement estégalement observée. Il apparaît donc que le modèled’intégration des Sud-Asiatiques serait davantage unmodèlesegmentéimpliquantdesniveauxd’intégrationéconomiqueetsocialedifférenciées.L’exempledesSud-Asiatiquessemblequestionnerl’importanceducapitalsocial collectif des immigrants dans leur intégrationainsi que les pratiques et les politiques de la sociétéciviledanscedomaine.

the roLe oF ngo's in the integration oF immigrants in montreaL: the exampLe oF south asians

part 2Secularism, Religious Diversity

and Ethnic Relations

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the secular state in quebec: configuration and debatesmicheline milot, Professor, Department of Sociology, Université du Québec à Montréal, and Co-director, Centre d’études ethniques des universités montréalaises, Montréal.

“de facto” secularism in quebecQuebec does not have a national constitution (since

it comes under the Canadian constitution) or a lawproclaiming state secularism. However, the Charter ofHumanRightsandFreedomsadoptedinQuebecin1976,aswell as the 1982CanadaAct, contain express clausesguaranteeingfreedomofconscienceandreligion,equality,and freedom of expression for all citizens. No statereligion is instituted (at the provincial or federal levels).Religiousactivitiesarenotsubjectedtoanyconstitutionalconstraints. No provision ismade to financially supportChurches, and the state doesnot collect any taxes to beredistributedtoreligiouscommunities.Norarebuildingsofworshipmaintainedattheexpenseofthestate.Forseveraldecades, innumerousdecisions issuedbyvariouscourts,thejurisprudencehasreiteratedthatstateneutralityisanobligation that the statemust respect in order to ensureequalityandfreedomofconscienceforallcitizens.

The state ofQuebec is therefore, de facto, a secularstate: it isnotassociatedwithareligion,doesnotaimtoadvantage or disadvantage any religion, and guaranteesfreedom of conscience and religion (Milot, 2002).Paradoxically, according to the preamble to the 1982Canada Act, “Canada is founded upon principles thatrecognize the supremacy of God and the rule of law.”WhilesomemayseethisasanindicationthatCanadaandhencetheprovincesarenotsecular,itmustbenotedthatinalldecisionshandeddownby theSupremeCourtandtheFederalCourt,referencetoGodislegallyineffectiveinthe interpretation of the law (O’Sullivanc.M.R.N.[1992];Baquialc.Canada (M.E.I)[1995]28C.R.R.).

Mostdemocraticcountriesarealso,defacto,secularstates. But in fact, the criterion of official separationbetween Church and State is not always enough todeterminewhetherastateissecular.InthecaseofEngland,forexample,thecountrymaystillhaveanofficialreligion,butgenerallawsarepromulgatedwithouthavingfirstbeensubmittedtotheauthorityoftheChurchofEngland,andfurthermore,allcitizensenjoyequalrights.

different tyPes of secular statesSecularism doesn’t exist in a “pure” form, but

instead functions as a regulating ideal that takes onvarious configurations within each democratic society.Secularism is a “development of the political realmby virtue of which freedom of religion and freedom ofconscience are guaranteed, in conformance with a willtoestablishequaljusticeofall,byastatethatisneutraltowardthevariousconceptionsofthegoodlifecoexistinginsociety”(Milot,2002).

Thereisthereforenotonemodelofsecularism;instead,there are different types of arrangements between statesandreligions,asclearlyillustratedbyQuebec,IndianandFrenchmodivivendiwiththesecularstate.Thesevariationsare not directly linked to the fundamental principles ofsecularism,suchasneutrality,freedomofconscienceandreligion,orequality.Rather,theirdifferenceslieinthewaygovernments,courtsofjusticeandcitizensinterprettheseprinciples,whethersecularismisopenlyproclaimedbythestateornot.

Forexample,neutralitycantaketheformofanequaldistancing of all religious influences, with symmetricalsupportgiventoeachdenominationintheareasofsocialassistance, education or tax exemption. Conversely,neutrality can be interpreted as the radical absenceof any form of state action in the religious domain.These dissimilarities are normal, since secularism—likedemocracyorlaw—takesshapeinthecontextofaspecificpolitical and legal history. Contrasting attitudes cantherefore be observed fromone secular state to another,such as accepting or prohibiting distinctive religioussymbolsamongemployeesinpublicinstitutions.

Hence, all democratic states guarantee the internaldimension of the freedom of conscience and religion.However, when it comes to the external dimension ofreligiousbelonging(religiouspracticesandrequirements),they are observed to adopt very different acceptancecriteriawithregardtothescopeandlimitsofthefreedomofexpression.Moreover,secularstatesdonotallsharethesamevisionoftheroleofreligioninpubliclife.

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At the time, even if the report's title included the word“secular,”thesocialandpoliticalusagewasinsteadto talk about “deconfessionalization,” a neologismthat sought to mark a distance from the radicalrepresentation of French secularism. The report wentso far as to describe the secularization promoted in itsrecommendations as “open secularism.” It thus wishedtoassertthatsecularizationdidnotmeanschoolswouldreject any individual expression of religious belongingorany religious instruction.To thecontrary, the reportreaffirmed that freedom of conscience and religionremainedanindividualrightprotectedbytheCharterofRights,anditrecommendedthatreligionbetaughtfromaculturalstandpointtopromoteabetterunderstandingofdiversity.Today,aclassonethicsandreligiouscultureisofferedinallschoolsthroughoutQuebec.

However,severalyearsweretopassbeforesecularismwouldariseinsocialandpoliticaldebates,andwhenitdid,itwas linkedwith the expressions of religious belongingin public life. More specifically, a number of citizens,politicians and secular advocacy groups strongly reactedto accommodations granted for religious reasons soindividuals could respect religious requirements relatingto dress, culinary habits, or work schedules in publicinstitutions.Indeed,“reasonableaccommodation”isalegalobligation,anextensionoftherighttoequality.

By declaring accommodation obligatory, theSupreme Court wished to remedy cases of involuntarydiscrimination, referred to as “indirect” discrimination.Reasonable accommodation applies to all cases inwhichdiscrimination is prohibited by art. 15 of ConstitutionAct,1982(race,nationalorethnicorigin,colour,religion,sex, age, mental or physical disability). An example iswork schedules that are established for all employees,but conflict with moments of worship for certaindenominations. If legitimate and evenly applied norms,regulations or policies produce indirect discriminationagainst certain persons, then institutions or businessesmustseekaccommodationstakingtheseindividualneedsintoaccount,withinreasonablelimits.Theselimitscanbebasedontheexcessivecostofarequest, itshindrancetothe functioning of an institution, or the rights of others(Woehrling,1998).

Amongotherthings,accommodationoffersawaytoeliminateobstaclestotheparticipationinordealingwithpublicinstitutions.Henceindividualsdonotneedtochoosebetween maintaining expressions of religious belonging(for example carrying a religious symbol) and enjoyinginclusion asmembers of a public institution.Reasonableaccommodation therefore preserves the neutrality of thestate, which, consistent with this principle, should notinfringeonanyreligiousbelief.

Quebec and Indian secularism largely distancethemselves from French republican secularism in thewaytheydonotstrictlyrelegateexpressionsofreligiousbelonging to the private sphere (Baubérot & Milot,2011).QuebecandCanadiansecularismfavoursastrongprotection of individual rights.This logic of individualrights includes protecting believers against the grouppressure toconform. Inotherwords, an individualmaydifferentlyandsincerelyinterpretareligiousrequirementthat is not applied as strictly by other adherents. Thisbroad and liberal interpretation of rights relative tofreedom of conscience may be seen as a hallmark ofQuebec and Canadian secularism, since, even in theinterpretation of the law, “Any ambiguity or hesitationshould be resolved in favour of individual rights,”(Multani,2006)and“irrespectiveofwhetheraparticularpracticeorbelief is requiredbyofficial religiousdogmaorisinconformitywiththepositionofreligiousofficials”(SyndicatNorthcrest,2004).

In contrast, Indian secularism does not seem to conceive of political lifewithout religion and the contri-bution of various religious communities in the publicsphere (Bhargava, 2010; Das & Nair, intra). Although article 14 of the Indian Constitution sets out that “the stateshallnotdenytoanypersonequalitybeforethelaworequalprotectionofthelawswithintheterritoryofIndia,”this guarantee is not equivalent to the logic of humanrightsasunderstoodintheWest.

Thissaid,differencesbetweenconceptionsoftheplaceof religion in the public sphere arisemore sharplywhenthey clash within the same society. This is the case inQuebec,aswewillsee,butalsoinIndia,wheresecularismismorestronglycriticizedtodaythan itwaswhen itwaswrittenintothecountry’sconstitutionalpreamblein1976by the 42nd Amendment. This criticism has come fromdifferent currents, including the Bharatiya Janata PartythatpromotesaHindunationalideology(Sen,2005).

social and Political usage of the notion of secularism

Before the turn of the present century, the word“secularism” rarely cameup inQuebecdebates. In 1999,a task force working on the place of religion in schoolspublished a report recommending that thepublic schoolsystembesecularized(TaskForce,1999).Theschoolwasthelastpublicinstitutiontoremainlegallydenominational(CatholicorProtestant),eveniftheinternalsecularizationof schools was the rule rather than the exception. Therecommendation was put forward as way of respectingthefreedomofconscienceandtheequalityofallcitizens,aswell as theneed for the school toalign itselfwith thesecularizationofQuebecsociety.OnJuly1st,2000,publicschoolsinQuebecrelinquisheddenominationalstatus.

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the seCuLar state in queBeC: ConFiguration and deBates

Those who oppose accommodations for religiousreasonsseethemasathreattoQuebecidentityandariskoflosinggroundingenderequality,sincereligionsare“by their essence” unfavourable to women (the veil carried by Muslim women is especially cited in this regard).Secularismisthusdefinedbytheprohibitionofanypublicmanifestation of religious belonging and is a gauge of sharing common values. Additionally, in this vein,government employees displaying religious symbolscontravene the neutrality of the state. Republicansecularism requires the “apparent” or visible neutralityof individuals.The French model of secularism, at least in some of the forms it has taken—such as the March15th,2004,lawonthewearingofreligioussymbols,or the requirement of apparent neutrality amongemployees—isattractivetotheproponentsofthisposition.

Other population segments favour a conceptionof secularism that is more welcoming of all publicmanifestations of religious belonging. In this view,religious expression has its place in the public sphere aslongasitrespectstherightsofothersandthepublicorder.The adherents of this position maintain that religiousexpression in public life is not a negation of commonvalues. From the perspective of an open secularism,individuals can be non-secular in their personal lives,while being full-fledged members of a secular politicalsociety.Likewise,fromthisstandpoint,itisimpossibletopresume that religious symbolsworn by state employeesinterferenegativelywiththeaccomplishmentoftheirwork.Furthermore,theappearanceofneutralitydoesnotmeanthatnon-apparentconvictions(racism,etc.)cannotinduceabiasintheworkofstateemployees.

Although a plurality of conceptions is normal andhealthy in a democratic society, it appears difficult toreconcile these antagonistic visions. Since each politicalparty adopts a different vision of secularism, it remainstobeseenwhatimpacttheintegrationofdiversitymighthave on a charter of secularism, as promoted by the PartiQuébécois,whichisleadingaminoritygovernmentat the time of writing (Milot, 2009b). One of the aimsof this charter is to ban religious symbols in the publicsphere.It isnotasyetevidentifthiswillnurtureamoreinclusivecommonsphereofcitizenshipandtheabilitytolivetogether.

Even so, requests for accommodations made in thename of religion produce greater disturbance than anyother motives. A woman undergoing chemotherapy andwearingaheadscarfisnotaproblem,whileasimilarveilwornbyaMuslimwomanisperceivedasanostentatiousandideologicalsymbolatoddswiththevalueofequalitybetweenmen andwomen.This example illustrates how,evenifweliveinasocietythatvaluesindividualautonomy,accommodationrequestsstemmingfrompersonal“choice”(particularly religious) appear to be less admissible thanthose arising from “circumstances” (an accident orillness).Andyet, theCharterofHumanRightspreciselyincludesfreedomofconscienceandreligionwithaviewtoprotectingpersonalchoices.

diverging concePtions of secularism in quebecInQuebec,highlycontrastingconceptionsfueldebates

on secularism: on onehand, a national andFrench-stylerepublican conception, andon the apluralist and liberalconceptionofintegration(Milot,2009a).

Issues of secularism in Quebec involve factorsassociated with a specific social context. Quebec isthe only Canadian province with a majority of Frenchspeakers, but also of declared Catholics. For thispopulation—a minority in Canada—the question ofidentity is especially acute. The complex problem ofsecularism isveryrevealingof this fact,as it is situatedatthecrossroadsofcommonvalues,citizenintegration,and, more fundamentally, national identity. It is inQuebec that the starkest criticismhas arisen about theapprehendedsocialeffectsofaccommodationsgrantedtoindividualsinpublicinstitutionsforreligiousreasons.In2007,acommissiononaccommodationpracticesrelatedto cultural differences was mandated by the Quebecgovernment to look into the situation (Commission,2008). It concluded that the problem had to do with“perceptions,” since accommodations do set guidelinesandcanpromoteintegration.

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Milot, M. [2009b] “Modus co-vivendi: Diversity in Canada.”InternationalMigration and theGovernance ofReligiousDiversity. P. Bramadat et M. Koening (Ed.) McGill-Queen University Press, 2009:105-129.

Multani c.CommissionscolaireMarguerite-Bourgeoys[2006]CSC6.

Sen,A.[2005]The Argumentative Indian. Writings on Indian History, Culture and Identity.London,PenguinBooks.

Syndicat Northcrest c. Amselem[2004]2R.C.S.551,2004CSC47.

Task Force on the Place of Religion in Schools Religion in Secular Schools: A New Perspective for Quebec, Quebec, Gouvernment ofQuebec[1999].

Woehrling, J. [1998]«L’obligationd’accommodementraisonnableetl’adaptationdelasociétéàladiversitéreligieuse»,Revue de droit de McGill/McGill Law Journal,43:325-401.

reFerenCes

Baubérot,J.&Milot,M.[2011]Laïcités sans frontières.Paris:Seuil.

Bhargava, R. [2010] The Promise of India’s Secular Democracy. Oxford:Oxford University Press.

Commission sur les pratiques d’accommodement liées aux différencesculturellesBuilding the Future: A Time for Reconciliation, Québec,2008.

Milot,M.[2002]Laïcité dans le Nouveau Monde. Le cas du Québec.Bibliothèque de l’École des Hautes Études, Turnhout: BrepolsPublishers.

Milot,M. [2009a] «L’émergence de la notion de laïcité auQuébec:résistances,polysémieet instrumentalisation»,dansP.BossetP.EidAppartenance religieuse, appartenance citoyenne. Un équilibre en tension,Québec:Presses de l’Université Laval:29-71.

l’État laÏque au quÉbec: configuration et dÉbats

Même si leQuébec a connuun réel processusdelaïcisation pendant les deux derniers siècles, celui-cis’estdéroulésans incorporationexplicitedans ledroitduprincipede laïcitéoudeséparationde l’Étatetdesreligions,commecefutlecasenFranceouauxÉtats-Unis.LeQuébecestnéanmoinsunÉtatlaïquequin’estlié à aucune Église, qui ne favorise ni ne défavoriseaucunereligionetquigarantitlalibertédeconscienceetl’égalitédetouslescitoyens.Lalaïcitéquébécoisesedistancielargementdelalaïcitérépublicainefrançaise,en ce qu’elle ne relègue pas à la stricte sphère privéel’expression de l’appartenance religieuse. La laïcitéquébécoiseetcanadienneprivilégieuneprotectionfortedes droits individuels. Cependant, cette approche estcritiquéeparlestenantsd’unnationalismeidentitaireauQuébecetilyadébatsurlesmodesd’intégrationdeladiversité,notammentreligieuse,àlasociétéquébécoise.

Par rapport aux débats canadiens concernantl’aménagement de la diversité religieuse, les débatsentourant la laïcité auQuébec intègrent des variablesliées au contexte spécifique du Québec. Même si lespolitiques québécoises attestent de l’importance del’immigration,ils’agitdelaseuleprovincecanadienneavec une majorité francophone, mais également decatholiquesdéclarés.Pourcettepopulation,minoritaireauCanada, laquestion identitaire seposedemanièreplus aiguë. La problématique relative à la laïcité enconstitueunexcellentrévélateur.Ellecroiselaquestiondesvaleurs«communes»,del’intégrationcitoyenneet,plus fondamentalement, celle de l’identité nationale.Ainsi, c’est au Québec que se formulent les critiqueslesplusvivesconcernantleseffetssociauxappréhendésdesaccommodementsconsentisauxindividusdanslesinstitutionspubliques,pourdesmotifsreligieux.

Soulignonsqueletermelaïcitéestentrérécemmentdans l’usage social auQuébec, principalement en lienavec la question des aménagements de la diversitéreligieuse dans la sphère publique. On peut aisémentdiscerner au cœur de cette soudaine appropriationpopulairedutermelaïcitédesattentespourquel’Étatdéfinisseclairementlalaïcitéquébécoiseetlesexigencesquiendécouleraient.Cesattentesrévèlentunetensionvive au sein de la société québécoise entre deuxconceptions divergentes de la laïcité: une conceptionplus stricte de la laïcité, évacuant toute expressionreligieusedelasphèrepubliquepourfavoriserlepartagedesvaleurscommunes;unelaïcitéqualifiéed’«ouverte»qui allie l’expression de la diversité religieuse à ungage d’intégration. Il existe un spectre de positions àl’intérieurdechacune,maisils’agitdedeuxtendanceslourdes,portéespardesacteursdifférents,etquisontillustrées, entre autres, par deux manifestes parus àquelquessemainesd’intervalleen2010: le«Manifestepour un Québec laïc et pluraliste» et le «ManifestepourunQuébecpluraliste».

D’une part, le Parti québécois, des groupeslaïcistes militants et des segments nationalistes-conservateurs de la population se font les défenseursd’uneconceptionde la laïcité justifiantune limitationstrictedesdiversesformesd’expressionreligieusedansla sphèrepublique. La religion et les préceptes qui endécoulentdevraientêtreconfinésàlasphèreprivée.Cepositionnementestbasésurlepostulatquelareligionrelèvedel’ordredel’optionpersonnelle(parfoismêmeuneformed’aliénation)etquesonexpressionpubliquepeutentrainerunnon-respectdesvaleurscommunes,notamment le principe d’égalité hommes-femmes,et entraver le processus de convergence identitaire.Afficher une appartenance religieuse peut devenirunemenacepourlevivreensemble.Lalaïcitéestalors

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présentéecommeunevaleurde lasociétéquébécoise.D’autre part, d’autres segments de la population semontrentfavorablesàuneconceptiondelalaïcitéplusaccueillanteà l’ensembledesmanifestationspubliquesde l’appartenance religieuse. Reflétant une approchelibérale et inclusive, la laïcité «ouverte» invite àreconnaître l’importance de la neutralité de l’État etde ses institutions,mais également, l’importance toutaussigrandede la libertédeconscienceetdereligion,permettant aux citoyens d’exprimer leurs convictionsreligieusesdanslamesureoùcetteexpressionn’entravepaslesdroitsetlibertésd’autrui.Cetteapproche,pourses défenseurs, favoriserait une meilleure intégrationque lanon-reconnaissancede ladiversité religieuseetdonc, de composantes fondamentales de l’identité deplusieurscitoyens.

Si les pratiques d’accommodements raisonnabless’exercentdepuisplusdevingtansauCanada,dontauQuébec, elles paraissent menaçantes pour une partiede la population qui craint l’effritement de l’identitéquébécoiseetlaneutralitédel’État.Pourtant,lesloisetles politiques publiques doivent prendre en considéra-tion le fait qu’un État qui ne veille pas à apporter descorrectifsauxdiscriminations indirectesquesubissent

descitoyens,mêmesicelles-cinesontpasvouluesparloisgénérales,perdsaneutralité,carillaisseseproduiredes inégalités. C’est ainsi que les accommodementsraisonnablessontcompatiblesaveclaneutralitédel’Étatetparfoisnécessairespourlapréserver.

Toutefois, il est remarquable de constater à quelpoint les demandes d’accommodement dérangentdavantagesiellessontformuléesaunomdelareligionplutôt que d’un autre motif. Ainsi, il est tout à faitaccepté qu’une femme qui subit des traitements dechimiothérapie porte un foulardpour couvrir sa tête,alors qu’un voile semblable arboré par une femmemusulmaneestperçucommeunsigneostentatoireetidéologique, allant à l’encontre de la valeur d’égalitéentreleshommeetlesfemmes.Cetexempleillustrequemêmesinousvivonsdansdessociétésoùl’autonomieindividuelleestvalorisée,lesdemandesfondéessurun«choix» personnel (religieux tout particulièrement)semblent moins recevables que celles relevant de«circonstances» (accident, maladie). Pourtant, c’estprécisémentpourprotéger ce choixpersonnelque lesChartesdesdroitsdelapersonneincluentlalibertédeconscienceetdereligion.

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visions of secularism in indiaswaha das, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Indraprastha College for Women, University of Delhi.

hari nair, Assistant Professor, Department of Humanities and Languages, Birla Institute of Technology and Science, Pilani.

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introductionSecularism in contemporary India invariably alludes

to almost any issue and/or problem emerging from aninterface between politics and religion in public life.Secularism is important because it is central to the veryidea of India, both as a multi-cultural nation-state andas a heterogeneous civilization. Its meanings vary inaccordance with one’s vision of India. Such visions areinfluenced not only by history and politics but haveprofound epistemological and ethical moorings. Thismakes secularism extremely complex, irrespective ofwhether one attempts to understand it as a variegatedconceptorobserveitasaphenomenoninconstantflux.

Worlds of a WordTheword “secularism” in Indiaoffersmanycomplex

shades of meaning. It may be understood as the State’sexpression of goodwill (or equal respect) towards allreligions (sarva dharm samabháva), and/or the State’spolicyofreligiousneutrality(dharm nirpekshtá).JawaharlalNehru, India’sfirstprime-minister,noted that itwasnoteasy to find a good equivalent for theworld “secular” inHindi,oneofIndia’smanylanguages(Madan,1998,p.311).Notwithstanding,Indianvisionsofsecularismseempriortotheworditself.

The conventional opinions in the debates onsecularism in India are that it is derived from theWest.Consequently,Indiansecularismisalltoooftencontrastedwith Christian, American, and French ideas about therelationshipbetweenreligionandpolitics.Therefore,oneisobligedtoalludetothese,howeverbriefly,inadiscussionon Indian secularism. The word “secularism” is derivedfrom saeculum, saeculi meaning century/the times/ageneration/spiritoftheage,andsoon.Itappearstohaveevolved from within a Christian context and denotes acertain distance, or separation between the mundane(governmentandpolitics)andthedomainof theChurch(sacredorspiritual)(Taylor&Bhargava,1998).ThisideaistraditionallytracedbacktopopeGelasiusI(†ca.496CE).

InEnglish,oneoftheearliestappearancesoftheword“secularism”maybefoundinGeorgeHolyoake’sPrinciples of Secularism(1851),wheresecularismisunderstoodasa“seriesofprinciplesintendedforguidanceofthosewhofind

theology indefinite, or inadequate, or deem it unreliable.[…]Asecularistguideshimselfbymaximsofpositivism,seekingtodiscernwhatisinnature–whatoughttobeinmorals–selectingtheaffirmativeinexposition,concerninghimself with the real, the right, and the constructive”(Holyoake,1871).

InthecaseoftheUnitedStatesofAmerica,theFirstAmendmentofitsconstitutionprohibitstheestablishmentofanationalreligionandapreferenceforonereligionoveranother,oreven, irreligion.Religious liberty isconjoinedwitha“wallofseparationbetweentheStateandreligion”inAmerica(Chandoke2011).InFrance,theequivalentofthisideaofthesecularisreflectedintheprincipleoflaïcité, whichwas variously enshrined in the civil codeof 1805,the laws of education that emphasized moral and civicinstructionratherthanareligiousoneinschools(duringthe1880s),andalso,inthelawofseparationofChurchandState(1905)(Bauberot,inBhargava,1998).

ThemodernIndianStatehasincorporatedtheseandotherexperiences,andindoingso,Indiansecularismmayhavemorphed intoadistinctvariant (Bhargava,2007). Itis loadedwithmultiple values emanating fromdivergentsources,andhencetheIndianvisionsofsecularismappeartobeparadoxical. Ifweare tounderstand thesewithoutironingoutthecreasesforthesakeofeasyclarity,wemustnecessarilyretracethepathsofhistory.

sineWs of historySincethefirstdecadeofthe20thcentury,thequestion

thatworriedmanyIndiannationalleaderswashowcouldfollowers of Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Islam,Jainism, Judaism, Sikhism, aswell as those of numerousother lesser known religions, coexist peacefully in India.Thequestionofconvivialitybecameincreasinglyrelevantastherelationsbetweenassertivegroupswithinmajorityand minority religions frequently clashed, and often,violently.However, there is ahistory to these communalclashesdatingbacktothemid19thcentury.

The first major challenge to British colonial rule inIndiawastheRevoltof1857,wherebypeoplesandleaders,Hindus and Muslims, combined forces against theircommon foe. Once the revolt was quelled, the Britishgovernmentconsciouslyenactedapolicyofplaying-offthe

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the constitutional vision of secularismIntheIndianConstitution,freedomofreligionincludes

the freedom to propagate one’s own religion (art. 25.1),to establish and maintain institutions for religious andcharitablepurposes(art.26),andtherightsofminoritiesto establish and administer educational institutions oftheir choice (art. 30.1).The articles 15, 16 and 19 of theConstitutionalsoprohibitdiscriminationonthegroundsof religion.As these rights are enforceable by a court oflaw,andbecausenolawcouldviolatetheserights,thispart(Fundamental Rights/Part III) is often alluded to as the“conscience”oftheIndianConstitution.

ThecomplexityofthesecularcharacteroftheIndianConstitutionisreflectedincertainotherprovisionsaswell.Religious instruction is prohibited in State educationalinstitutions (art. 28); separate electorates for differentreligiouscommunitiesthatwereintroducedbytheBritisharenon-existent(art.325);theproceedsoftaxationcannotpay theexpensesofany religiousdenomination (art.27),while the Statemay financially support certain religiousshrines(art.290A).Incertaincases,theStateiscompelledto intervene in religious matters against the oppressivecaste system, which is a salient socio-religious practicebased on notions of purity and hierarchy. The State isalso obliged by its constitution to protect dissentingcitizens from the binding orthodoxy/orthopraxy of theircorrespondingreligions.

In sum, the religious liberties along with otherprovisions in theIndianConstitutionrequiring theStatetointerveneinreligiousmattersdemonstratethattheStateengageswithreligiouscommunitiesinahighlycalibratedmanner.This constitutional visionof secularismappearstobeindeedsingular.Andyet,perhapsironically,theword“secular” was absent from the Indian Constitution until1976,whenitwasinsertedintothepreamblebytheforty-secondamendment.Thisdoesnothoweverimplythattheoriginalun-amendedConstitutionwasnotsecular.Rather,theconstitutionalvisionofsecularismisso fundamentalthatitcannotevenbeamendedbytheparliamentofIndia(legislature) as it forms part of the “basic-structure” oftheConstitution.FromareadingofthetextoftheIndianConstitution,wecouldconcludethattheIndianStateis(orclaimstobe)secularbecauseofaseriesofpositiveliberties:1. All citizens (bothas individuals andasgroups)have

thefreedomofreligion,toembraceadifferentreligionthantheoneintowhichanindividualwasborn,andalsotorejectallreligions.

2. Noindividualorcommunitywouldbediscriminatedagainstonthegroundsofreligion.

3. The freedom of religion is expressly granted to religious minorities by the Indian Constitution(articles29and30).

Hindus against the Muslims. Consequently, communalidentitieswerestrengthenedandsectarianconflictbecamewidespread.Bytheearly20thcentury,communalriotsandseparate electorates for different communities became arecurringfeatureofIndiansocio-politicallife.

Would separating politics from religion be a feasiblemodus vivendi? Mohandas Gandhi, considered by manytobethefatheroftheIndiannation,thoughtthatreligioncouldnotbeseparatedfrompolitics(Ghandi,1921).Instead,hebelievedthatbyimmersingoneselfinone’sownreligion,one could discover traditions of tolerance and peacefulcoexistence (Brown,2008).However,certainother leadersfelt that there was an urgent need to protect vulnerablesections of Indian society and envisioned a different pathbasedonaregimeofrightsthatevolvedoutofthetrajectoriesoftheAmericanandEuropeanEnlightenment.

Theseleadersreckonedthatthefollowersofminorityreligionsandthedepressedclassesrequiredtheprotectionof the State through a discourse of rights. Thus, theSwaraj Constitutionof1928,whichwasoneoftheearliestattempts at redacting a constitution for a free India,contained a section titled “Fundamental Rights,” whichguaranteed, amongst other rights, those of freedom ofconscienceandthefreepracticeofreligion.Thephilosophyandscopebehindthefreedomofreligionasmentionedinthe Swaraj Constitutionwasexpandedduringthedebatesof the Constituent Assembly (1946-49) that drafted theConstitutionoftheRepublicofIndia,whichcameintoforceon January 26th, 1950. To understand this constitutionalvision of secularism, we must revisit the circumstancesof Indian independence.TheBritishpolicyof playing-offHindusandMuslimsthroughadivisivepoliticsofidentityand communal electorates eventually strengthened thebeliefthatHindusandMuslimsconstitutedtwodifferentnations. As freedom from British imperial rule becameimminentinthedecadeofthe1940s,thecallforaseparatestate for Indian Muslims, the largest religious minorityin British India, became more strident. Consequently,independenceinAugust1947wasprecededbyapartitionofthecountryintotwostates:IslamicPakistanandIndia.

ThecreationofPakistanonthebasisofreligionraisedanumberofproblems.IfPakistanwascreatedforMuslims,should allMuslims of undivided India be transferred tothenewIslamic state?Would thisconvert India into thenatural home of its majority religious population, theHindus,andHindusalone?What,then,wouldbethefateof other religiousminorities in India like the Sikhs andChristians?WhatwasatstakeinthoseyearssurroundingindependencewasnothinglessthantheideaofIndia.Fromallthepossiblepaths,theleadersenvisionedthatIndiawillbe secular, and this particular vision is reflected in theconstitutionofindependentIndia.

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in December 1992; the increased frequency of plannedviolentclashes(ortargetedrioting)betweenthemajorityand minority communities, including terror attacks;negligence or indifference by the State apparatus inquelling violence and/or compensating victims; certaincontroversialjudgmentsbytheSupremeCourtofIndia,forexamplethe1996“Hindutvajudgement”ofJusticeVerma;andthecunninginculcationoffear intheheartsofboththemajority and theminority communities by differentpoliticalpartiesthroughtheirperniciouspropagandawiththesolepurposeofgarneringelectoralbenefits.

It is precisely in such conjunctions that the Indianintellectual engagements have been most vigorous,resulting in a variety of responses. These encompassedcomplex theoretical studies, critical works of art, therecognitionthatacademiccurricula,teaching,andlearningatall levelsoughttobesociallysensitive,theenrichmentof public debates in various forums, and finally, a moredirectengagementwith the institutionsof theState.Thevast range of these responses highlighted the ethicalnecessityofIndiansecularismwhileunderliningaswellitsepistemologicallimits.

betWeen ethical and ePistemological categories

Thevision of secularism aswritten into the IndianConstitution speaks largely in the language of rights,which is an outcome of the American and Europeantraditions of Enlightenment.However, ifwemove fromthetextoftheConstitutiontowardthosedebatesoftheConstituent Assembly (1946-49) which produced thisdocument,onenoticesthatthemembersoftheAssemblyfrequentlyalluded to traditionsofconviviality,empathyandtolerancethatwere,andstillare,presentintheethosof the Indian civilization. The constitutional vision ofsecularism if expressed solely in the language of rightsand duties of citizens and the Statemight be sufficientto secularize the Indian State. But would it suffice tosecularizeIndiansociety?

TogenuinelysecularizeboththeIndianStateanditspluralsociety,itisperhapsessentialthatwecontinueourrediscovery of how various communities have coexistedover such a long duration on the subcontinent. It is ahistorical fact thatmany people in India have professedandpracticedmorethanonereligionsimultaneously,andcontinuetodoso.Thereareshrinesofcommonworship,wherefollowersofdifferentreligionspaytheirrespects.

Areinventionofthesetraditions,andespeciallythatof ahimsa (non-violence), would prevent any culture,community, discourse, or tradition from appropriatingorhegemonising the ideas andpracticesof conviviality.India thus is a witness to many visions of secularism,

4. There is no State religion but the State is neitherirreligious nor anti-religious, and it will honour allreligionsequallywithoutdiscrimination.

5. Indian secularism does not erect a strict wall ofseparation between the State and religions. Instead,theStatehasacalibratedresponsetoreligiousmatters.

6. Theconstitutionalvisionsandpracticesofsecularismarebasedontheprincipleofequalityandareexercisedthrougharegimeofrights.

This constitutional visionof secularismoften comesunder duress. There are at least two kinds of stress: first, when the constitutional values come into conflictwith the practice or rules of a religion, and second, when one constitutional value comes into conflict withanother constitutional value. Some possible aporias arelistedbelow.

If a certain religious traditionpermits the voluntaryannihilationof one’s life (likeSanthara or Sallekhana of Jainism),would thatbepermissible as it contravenes theright to life as given in the Indian Constitution? If thepersonal laws of certain religions arguably discriminateagainstwomen,wouldtheseoutweightheConstitutionalprovisions of equality (as in the Shah Bano case of the1980s)?Insuchinstances,shouldthevaluesoftheIndianConstitution take precedence over religious values? Here, theconflict isbetweenconstitutionalandreligiousvalues.Thisistheaporiaofthefirstkindbutthesecondisfarmorecomplex.

The Indian Constitution goads the State towards auniform civil code for all its citizens while it providesminorities with rights to practice their own religion. Auniform civil code might be a path towards ensuringequal treatment of all its citizens, but it might conflictwith the personal laws ofmany communities.Thus, theconstitutional value of equality comes into conflictwiththeconstitutionalvalueofthefreedomofreligion.Insuchinstances,whatwouldbe themostappropriate response,andwouldthatresponsebeinherentlyconsistent?Ifthereanyanswerstosuchquestions,thesearecertainlyneithereasynorcanthesebepredeterminedtheoreticallywithoutreferencetotheparticularcontext.

TheIndianvisionsofsecularismhavealsoundergoneanother set of crises different from the constitutionalduress referred to above. These crises were more real,extremelydivisive,andverydangerous tobothStateandsociety.Duringthedecadeofthe1980s,Indiawasturninginto a conflictive society. Some of those events includethebrutalviolenceagainsttheSikhs,aminorityreligiouscommunity,inNovember1984;therevivaloftheextremistpoliticsof theHinduright-wing in themid-1980s,whicheventuallyledtothedestructionofa16thcenturymosque

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Brown, Judith M. (Ed.) [2008] Mahatma Gandhi: The Essential Writings.NewDelhi:Oxford University Press:51-2.

Chandoke, Neera [2011] Secularism. In Pratap Bhanu Mehta andNeerajGopalJayal.(Eds.)The Oxford Companion to Politics in India: 333-346.NewDelhi:Oxford University Press.

Constituent Assembly Debates [Proceedings December 9th, 1946 toJanuary24th,1950](Retrievedfromhttp://parliamentofindia.nic.in/ls/debates/debates.htmonOctober10th2012).

Taylor,Charles“ModesofSecularism”inBhargava[1998]:31-53.

Holyoake, George [1871] The Principles of Secularism (3rd revisededitionoftheoriginalpublishedin1851).London:AustinandCo.:11.

Bauberot,Jean“Thetwothresholdsoflaїcization”inBhargava[1998]:94-136

Gandhi,M.K.[1921]An Autobiography: My experiments with truth.Retrivedinhttp://www.mkgandhi.org/autobio/chap168.htm.

some of which are indigenous to her civilization whilecertainothersoriginated fromotherpartsof theworld,and these have coalesced to create diverse visions ofIndiansecularism.

reFerenCes

Bhargava, Rajeev [2010]The Promise of India’s Secular Democracy.Oxford:Oxford University Press.

Bhargava,Rajeev[2008]“Secularism.”InRajeevBhargavaandAshokAcharya(Eds.)Political Theory: An Introduction:274-297.NewDelhi:PearsonLongman.

Bhargava,Rajeev[2007]“ThedistinctivenessofIndianSecularism.”InT.N.Srinivasan.(Ed.)The future of Secularism:20-53.3rdreprint2011.NewDelhi:Oxford University Press.

Bhargava,Rajeev.(Ed.)[1998]Secularism and its critics.NewDelhi:Oxford University Press.

les visions de la laÏcitÉ en indeLeconceptdelaïcité(«secularism »enanglais)en

Indeestassociéàpresquetouslesproblèmesrésultantde l’interaction entre la politique et la religion dansl’espacepublic.C’estunenotionimportantequiestaucœurmêmede lanationetde lacivilisationindienne.Mais son sens varie selon la vision que chacun a del’Inde. Le terme anglais «secularism» vient du latinsaeculum, saeculi qui signifie le siècle/l’époque/une génération/l’esprit du tempsetc.Ilsembleavoirévoluéau sein de la théologie chrétienne et implique unecoupureentrelemondeordinaireetl’Église.

Le terme «secularism» apparaît en anglais dansPrinciples of Secularism (1851), de George Holyoakequiledéfinitcommeunensembledeprincipesservantà guider ceux qui jugent que la théologie est vague,inadéquateouqu’ellen’estpasdignedeconfiance.

Sonéquivalentenfrançaisest lanotionde laïcité,plusieurs foismentionnée dans le code civil de 1805.Cettenotionapparaîtaussidanslesloissurl’instruction(dans les années 1880), qui mettent l’accent surl’instruction morale et civique dans les écoles plutôtque sur l’éducation religieuse. La notion de laïcitéapparaîtdanslesloisexigeantlaséparationdel’Étatetdel’Église.

EnInde,ladéfinitionduterme«secularism»prenddifférentes nuances. Ainsi, il est tantôt défini commede labonnevolontéou lerespectégalitairedechaquereligion (sarva dharma samabháva/sadbháva), tantôt

commeunepolitiquedeneutralitéreligieuse(dharma nirpekshtá). Nehru, le premier premier ministre del’Indeindépendante,fitd’ailleursremarquerqu’ilétaitdifficiledetrouverunéquivalentpourséculierenHindi,l’unedeslanguesnationalesdel’Inde.

Depuis le début du XXe siècle, la principalepréoccupation des chefs politiques indiens est lacoexistence pacifique entre les Bouddhistes, lesChrétiens, les Hindous, les Musulmans, les Jaïns, lesJuifset lesSikhs (et lesmembresdesautresminoritésreligieusesmoinsconnues).D’ailleurs,cettequestiondecohabitationreligieuseaprisplusd’importancepuisquecertainsgroupesreligieuxmajoritairesetminoritairesentrentfréquemmentenconflit,etsouventviolemment.

Dansuntelcontexte,laséparationdupolitiqueetdureligieuxconstitue-t-elleunmodus vivendipossible?Pour Mohandas Ghandi, cette séparation n’était paspossible. Il croyait plutôt qu’en se plongeant dans saproprereligion,ilétaitpossibledetrouverdestraditionsde tolérance et de coexistence pacifique. Mais pourcertainsleaders,ilétaiturgentdeprotégerlesmembresvulnérablesdelasociétéindienne.

Certains d’entre eux, animés par un espritjuridiqueetinspirésparlesiècledeslumièreseuropéenet américain, envisagèrent une voie différente, sanstoutefois désapprouverGandhi. Ces leaders pensaientquelesmembresdesminoritésreligieusesdevaientêtreprotégéspar l’Étatdansundiscours sur lesdroitsquifut incorporé dans la Constitution de la Républiqueindienne,quientraenvigueurle26janvier1950.

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DanslaConstitutionindienne,lalibertéreligieuseinclut la liberté de diffuser sa propre religion (art.25.1), d’établir et de maintenir des institutions à desfinsreligieusesoucaritatives (art.26),et ledroitpourles minorités d’établir et de gérer les établissementsd’enseignement de leur choix (art. 30.1). Les articles15, 16, et 19 de la Constitution interdisent aussi ladiscriminationbaséesur lareligion.Lacomplexitéducaractère laïquede laConstitution indienne se reflèteaussi dans certaines de ses dispositions. L’instructionreligieuse dans les établissements d’enseignementpublics est interdite (art. 28). Le système d’électoratsséparés pour les différentes communautés religieuses,misenplaceparlesBritanniquesenInde,n’existeplus(art. 325). Les revenus d’impôt ne doivent pas servirà financer les différentes confessions religieuses (art.27), bien que l’État ait le droit de financer certainssanctuaires religieux (art. 290 A). Bref, la liberté dereligion et d’autres dispositions de la Constitutionindienne indiquent clairement que les relations entrel’Étatetlescommunautésreligieusessontrégiespardesprocédéségalitaires.

Donc, nous pouvons en déduire que l’État indienest(ouprétendêtre)unétatlaïquecar:1. Tous les citoyens (comme groupes ou individus)

ontledroitàlalibertédereligion,ontledroitdeseconvertiràuneautrereligionque leurreligiondenaissance,ouderejetertoutereligion.

2. Aucunepersonneoucommunauténeseravictimedediscriminationàcausedesareligion.

3. La liberté de religion est accordée aux mino-rités religieuses par la Constitution indienne (articles29et30).

4. Iln’existepasdereligiond’état,etl’Étatnefavorisepas l’une ou l’autre des religions. L’État n’est pas

antireligieux ou non-religieux, et traite chaquereligiondelamêmemanière,sansdiscrimination.

5. En matière religieuse, l’État propose une optiqueneutre,aulieudeséparerlareligiondelapolitique.

Cette vision de la laïcité s’exprime en termes dedroits humains; elle est influencée par le siècle deslumières du monde occidental. Cependant, en nousdéplaçantdutextedelaConstitutionpournousattardersurlesdébatsdel’Assembléeconstituante(1946-1949)à l’origine de ce document, nous remarquons queles membres de l’Assemblée mentionnent souvent latraditiond’empathieetde tolérancequi se trouvait etsetrouveencoredanslacivilisationindienne.Bienquecelasoitsuffisantpourassurerlasécularisationdel’Étatindien,est-ceassezpourlaïciserlasociétéindienne?

Afin de s’assurer de la laïcisation de l’État indienetdesasociété,ilfautpeut-êtreredécouvrircommentplusieurscommunautésontpucoexisteraussilongtempsdanslesous-continent.C’estunfaithistoriquereconnu:plusieurs personnes en Inde suivaient et pratiquaientsimultanémentplusieursreligions,etcephénomènesepoursuit même aujourd’hui. Il existe des sanctuairesreligieux communs, où des membres de différentescommunautésserendentpourprier.

La redécouverte de ces traditions, et particu-lièrement celle de non-violence (ahimsa), pourrait empêcher qu’une communauté, discours ou traditionne s’approprie ou ne s’accapare des idées et despratiquesdetoléranceetdeconvivialité.L’Indeadoncnon seulement généré plusieurs points de vue sur lalaïcité,certainsprovenantdesacivilisationetcertainsprovenantd’ailleursmaiselleaégalementfavoriséleurcoexistence.C’estcequirendlesdifférentesvisionsdelalaïcitéenIndeaussiintrigantesquecharmantes.

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religious diversity in quebec, real and imagined, visible and invisiblegéraldine mossière, Assistant-Professor, Faculty of Theology and Religious Studies, Université de Montréal.

deirdre meintel, Professor, Department of Anthropology, Université de Montréal, and Co-director, Centre d’études ethniques des universités montréalaises, Montréal.

introductionInQuebec, thereligious landscapehasbeenshaped

by a very rapid secularizationprocess that startedwiththeQuiet Revolution of the 1960s, just as globalizationbegan toopen theprovince tonew religious influences.Our research, done in collaboration with five otherresearchers, aims at documenting: 1) the new religiousdiversitythatappearedinQuebecoverthelastdecades;2) the meaning of religion in the everyday lives of theQuébécoistoday.Althoughthestudyconcernsthewholeof the province, this presentation is based mainly ondatathathavebeencollectedinMontreal,theprovince’slargestandmostmulticultural city.Over thepast threeyears, observations have been carried out on religiousgroupsthatrepresent(1)religionsestablishedinQuebecsince the1960s (e.g.,Baha’i;Neo-shamanism, includingDruidismandWicca);(2)newformsofreligiouspracticein long-established religions (the case of some Jewishand Catholic congregations); (3) religions imported byimmigrants (including Islam, Hinduism, certain formsof Buddhism); (4) congregations of long-establishedreligions that includea substantialproportionof immi-grantsamongtheirmembers.Thusfar,observationshavebeen completed on a total of 100 groups in Montreal(outofatotalof137todate).OftheMontrealgroups,38havebeenstudiedin-depththroughextendedparticipantobservation and interviews with members and leaders.The secondphase of the study (2010-2014) is extendingthe research to the regionsofQuebecoutsideMontrealwhereseveraldozenmoregroupsareunderstudy.

Research assistants have carried out observationsof religious rituals andother religiousactivities suchasneighbourhoodprayergroupsaswellas socialactivitiesinvolvingmembersofthegroup,likecommunalmealsandpicnics,fundingevents,andcoursesthataresponsoredbythegroup.Theyhavealsointerviewedmemberswhovaryin terms of gender, age, profession,matrimonial status,and level of commitment to the group. The interviews

coverindividuals’personalandreligioustrajectories,therole of the religious group in their everyday lives, theirlevel of economic, social, and ideological commitmenttothereligiouscommunity,andwhenrelevant,religiousactivities pursued outside the group’s purview.MeintelandMossièredevisedthetoolsfortheteamstudyonthebasis of their own extensive fieldwork, in a Spiritualistchurch for Meintel and in a Congolese Pentecostalcongregation forMossière. In what follows, we presentMontreal's current religious landscape, looking at someof the trends that emerge from our findings. This isfollowedbyacloserexaminationofourfindingsregardingimmigrantreligiousgroups.

the quebec conteXtMostofthereligiouscurrentsmentionedhereintook

root inQuebec inthewakeof the“QuietRevolution” (la Révolution tranquille),atimeofdramaticsocialchangeintheprovince(1960-1966)(Linteauet al.,1989).Duringthisperiod,thestatetookoverthesocialwelfare,aswellastheeducationalandhealthsystems,thathadlongbeenthefiefoftheCatholicChurch.MeanwhilethereligiouspracticeoftheCatholicfaithfulwasdecliningrapidly(Bibby,1990)andtheranksoftheclergyandotherreligiouswerebeingdepleted. As the political system was liberalized in the1960s,Quebecsocietybecamethoroughlysecularizedandfarmoreopentoreligiousdiversity(Linteauet al.,1989).Thenewclimateof religious freedomthatdevelopedhasmadeforanevermorediversifiedreligiouslandscape.

Recent years have seen the apparition of an ever-increasing number of places of worship in the province,especially in cities (Germain & Gagnon, 2003). This ispartly due to immigration. The relative demographicweight of immigrants has been growing steadily, from5.6%oftheprovince’stotalpopulationin1951to9.4%in1996(ImmigrationetCommunautésCulturellesQuebec,2004).By2001,according tocensusdata, thisfigurehadrisentoalmost10%.Religiousdiversityamongnative-born

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we have studied (Meintel and Mossière, 2011). A lot ofcreativity is found in the forms of sociability religiousgatheringsmay take, someofwhicharesustainedby theextensiveuseofwebsites.Manyareaimedatspontaneousandtime-limitedexperiences, likesomeritualsrelatedtotheirmembers’ lifeexperiences(abortionforexample)ormeditationsdedicatedtofullmoon.

We find that local religious institutions, includingCatholic ones (with some exceptions), show remarkableadaptabilitytomodernityandtothenewattendeesitbringsin theirspaces: immigrants,homosexuals,etc.Moreover,religious groups represent important sites of interethnicrelations. In fact, virtually none of the groups we haveencountered ismonoethnicandmost include individualsfrom a number of national backgrounds (e.g. Haitians,Vietnamese). Immigrant groups are often religiouslydiverse.However, immigrantsbringmoreCatholics thananyotherreligiontoCanadaandofthese,manycometoQuebec (Castel, 2004), especiallyMontreal. At the sametime that these new arrivals bring their own styles ofCatholicworship,thearchdiocesemayalsoaccommodatesuch groups by creating “missions” instead of territorialparishes (as, for example, in the case of Tamils) whileexistingparishesofferservicesinthelanguageofthesenewpopulations(Polish,Laotian,etc.).HispanicCatholicshavegiven new vitality to the Catholic Charismatic RenewalinQuebec.This relates to ourfindings about immigrantreligiousgroups,towhichwenowturn.

roles and activities of immigrant religious grouPs in quebec

Among the religious groups we have met, thoseformedby immigrantstendtobegreatlyconcernedwithgivingmembers the help they need to adapt to the newsociety:theysupportnewcomersinthesettlementprocessby providing them with material, social, and emotionalresources,alongwithrecreationalactivities, information,and advice for finding employment and housing. Forexample,the“murids”orSenegaleseMuslimbrotherhoodsoffer substantialmaterial assistance to anymemberwhois newly arrived from Africa. This includes providinghousing and hospitality, often for months. It is worthnotingthatinformalresourcesofferedbyreligiousgroupsto their immigrantmembersdonot substitute forpublicinstitutions and government-provided services; rather,theycomplementtheresourcesprovidedbythestateandoftenconveyinformationaboutthemtonewarrivals.ForexamplewefoundcasesofCongolesePentecostalfamilieswhohavetakeninunaccompaniedminors.Inthisrespect,immigrantreligiousgroupsprovidecommunitystructuresthathelpcompensateforsocialtiesandsupportthathavebeenattenuatedbymigration.

Québécoishasalsogrownagreatdealinrecentyears.WhilesomehaveconvertedtoIslam,BuddhismortoEvangelicalreligions(Mossière,2010),othershavediscoveredformsofspiritualitythathaveeitherdevelopedinsitufromvarioussources or that present themselves as contemporaryversions of ancient traditions such as Druidism, Native-inspiredshamanism,Wiccaandsoon.Notethatnoneofthese require conversion, so those that were brought upCatholic sometimes retain certain elements of Catholicidentity and religious observance (Meintel, 2012/2011).Manyofthesespiritualcurrentsinvolvebeliefsinspiritsandspiritcontact.Oneofthemajorfindingsfromourongoingteamstudy,aswellasinMeintel’sworkonSpiritualists,isthatthemainstreamQuebecois(French-speaking,borninQuebecandbaptized intheCatholic faith)whofrequentsuchgroupsareunlikelytodiscussthisopenlywithothers.Wehavefoundthatthisistrueofthosewhofrequentmanyothergroupsinourstudy,betheypracticingCatholicsormembersofProtestantcongregations.PublicdiscussionofreligiontendstofocusonIslamandvisiblemarkerssuchas the veil or the kirpan (a ceremonialdagger carriedbySikhmales).Thus,wefindthatalthoughQuebec’sreligiouslandscapeisquitediverse,muchofthisdiversityremainssociallyinvisible.

some trends of the current quebecois religious landscaPe

Among themain findings of our study we note theenormous variety of religious resources now available totheQuébécois;roughlyspeaking,wecouldsaythatrapidsecularization on the institutional level, and generalizedanticlericalism on the ideological level have created areligious void in the lives of the Catholic-born majoritywhileatthesametime,globalizationhasincreasedreligiousdiversity and brought new symbolic resources to theprovince.Whethertheyformallychangereligionor(moreoften the case) do not, immigrants and non-immigrantsare highlymobile across religious traditions and groups.Indeed,whilesomethousandshaveconvertedtoreligionssuchasIslam,whichisattractingthehighestnumbersatthemoment,convertsarebutthetipoftheicebergwhenit comes to crossing religious boundaries. Most of theQuebecois-born participants in the non-Catholic groupswestudyretainaCatholicidentity,whilefindingnewwaysto experience the sacred in their lives. Such behavioursbringaboutnewreligioushybridities,likeNeoshamanismor Wicca-related practices. We have found that youngpeople are the most active in introducing innovationsin various types of religious groups and networks,sometimesaddingpolitical involvement to their spiritualcommitment; for example, regarding environmentalismand theprotectionofMotherEarth.Healingusuallyhasan important ifnot central role in the religious currents

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reLigious diVersitY in queBeC, reaL and imagined, VisiBLe and inVisiBLe

Overall, we find many instances where religiouspracticeshavebeenadaptedtotheconditionsinQuebec:althoughtheprohibitiononpayinginterestmakesitnearlyimpossibleforMuslimstoacquireahomeinQuebec,theimamofamosqueinourstudysuggestedthathisfollowersrespect the spirit of the rule rather than the rule itself, thatis,theprinciplethatwealthypeopleshouldnotabusethe poor by imposing usurious rates of interest. On theindividuallevel,wefindconsiderablereligiouschangeoverthe life course, for example, in how religion is practicedandtheintensityofreligiouspractice.Furtherchangescanbeexpectedas religiousgroupsevolveover timeandthesecondgenerationcomesof age, especially regarding theissueofthelanguageofworship.

The main divergences with the host society revolvearound differing interpretations of family models. Forexample, Tamil Catholics wish that Quebec societywouldprovidebetterexamplesforyoungpeople;theyseea causal relationship between the low levels of religiouspractice among the Québécois and the breakdown offamily structures, as expressed in high rates of divorce,cohabitationwithoutmarriage,single-parentfamiliesandchildren born out of wedlock. Tamil priests often pointproudlytothelowdivorcerateamongtheirmembers.Bycomparison, the non-immigrant groups in our study aretypically less preoccupied with their place in the widersociety,andtaketheirmembers’statusasQuébécoisandCanadian as a given.At the same time, they are usuallylessdevelopedonthecommunitylevel;inmanycases,non-immigrantgroupsprovidereligiousandspiritualservicesbutlittleinthewayofsociabilityfortheirmembers.

conclusionThe rapid secularization of the 60s, in conjunction

with newmigration patterns and the increasedmobilityof the Québécois all contributed to creating a religiousdiversitythat is in factquitedifferent fromthe imagineddiversity one finds in Quebec mass media. That is, theterm “religious diversity” tends to evoke Muslim veilsandSikhkirpans;moreover,thereisacertainwidespreadstereotype that imagines locals as nonreligious, andimmigrants as religious. Apart from the fact that muchimmigrant religiosity is nearly invisible (small, mobile,materially poor congregations; observant Muslims whodonotfrequentmosquesordonotweardistinctivesignsofreligiousbelonging),theoneofnon-immigrantsisevenmoreso.TheQuietRevolutionseemstohavemadereligionsomethingofasocialtaboo;evenpracticingCatholicsareunlikelytoadvertisethefact.Theword“religion,”infact,iswidelyresisted,connoting“clericalauthority”tomany.Thoseweinterviewedoftenconsiderthemselves“spiritual” ratherthanreligious;moreover,thosewhoareactiveinanopenreligiousgroupsuchastheSpiritualistcongregation

Immigrant religious groups are also highly helpfulfor providing symbolic resources that allowmigrants togive value to the difficult experiences associated withmigration. For example, someMuslims andPentecostalswe havemet consider religious belonging as a source ofpride and a positive distinction that distinguishes themfromtheOther.OnePentecostalHaitianbelieverMossièrehasinterviewedfindsinherfaiththetoolsfortranscendingherpreviousexperiencesofdiscriminationbasedonracialcategorization: “Now I don’t see this one as Black or this one as White. We are all human beings doing the work of God. I have White friends, we talk on the phone, but they have been baptized. You have to differentiate whether or not people are baptized.”Furthermore,wefindthatmostofthereligiousgroupsalsopositionthemselvesandtheirmembers in the new society in ways that are valued inreligiousterms.Thesepromptavarietyofattitudestowardthehostsociety.AminorityofEvangelicalgroupsadoptsa sectarian approach; their religious rhetoric presentsproselytizing as a way of improving Quebec society. Intheirview,Evangelical immigrantsareendowedwiththemissionofsavingChristiansoulsinaprovinceoneofthemdescribesas“devastated for decades because of the collapse of Catholicism.”

Attitudes regarding visibility in the host societyvary between religious groups, and even within thesame tradition: some Muslims adopt a discreet profilewhileothersprefertoorganizeactivitiesthatmakethemknowntothewiderpublicinapositiveway.Likewise,inacertainAfricanPentecostalcongregation,theleaderhasorganizedablooddonationcampaignalthoughbloodhasbeenrefusedbyhealthassociationsbecausetheirAfricansmembers’countriesoforiginareconsideredasinvolvinga high risk of AIDS. We also note various strategiesfor dealingwith the challenges of fitting into a secularsociety.Oftenreligiousgroupschoosetoemphasize thecommonalitiesbetweenthereligiouscommunity’svisionoftheworldandthedominantQuébécoisworldview.ACongolesepastorexplainsthatsermonsandPentecostalnormsareaimedatmakingmembersinto“good citizens” and promoting their social and economic participationand mobility in their new country. This perspective isillustratedbyhispastoralapproach,whichheterms“TheChurch in theCity.”The same pastor runs seminars tohelp members adapt to Québécois laws and norms. Atypical activity that he organizedwas entitled, “How to Interpret Marriage as a Christian, in Accordance with Quebec Law.”Along this line,most religious groupswehave encountered espouse a discourse of integration oradaptationandseetheirmembersassocialactorswhocanmakeapositivecontributiontoQuebecsociety.Religiousleadersoftenmentionthe importantroleof immigrantsfor the province’s prosperity, cultural enrichment, andsocialdevelopment.

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ImmigrationetCommunautésCulturellesQuébec[2004]Population immigrée recensée au Québec et dans les régions en 2001: caractéristiques générales.GouvernementduQuébec.

Linteau,P.-A.,Durocher,R.,Robert,J.-C.&Ricard,F.[1989]Histoire du Québec contemporain, Tome II: Le Québec depuis 1930.Montréal:ÉditionsBoréal.

Meintel,D.[2011-2012]CatholicismasLivingMemoryinaSpiritualistCongregation.Quebec Studies, 52 (Fall 2011/Winter 2012):69-86.

Meintel,D.&Mossière,G. [2011]TendancesActuellesDesRituels,PratiquesEtDiscoursDeGuérisonAuSeinDesGroupesReligieuxContemporains.QuelquesRéflexions.Ethnologies,33(1):5-18.

Mossière,G.[2010]Passeretretravaillerlafrontière.Desconvertiesàl’islam en France et auQuébec: jeux et enjeux demédiation et dedifférenciation.Sociologie et Sociétés,42(1):245-270.

Meintel studies – including those who work as healersand mediums at church services – if asked about theirreligion,willoftensaysomethinglike,“Well, I was brought up Catholic.” All thismakes for a little known religiousdiversitythat involvesnon-immigrants justasmuchas itdoesimmigrants.

reFerenCes

Castel,F.[2004]Progrèsducatholicisme,influencedel'mmigration:les grandes tendances de I'affiliation religieuse depuis 2003. InM.Venne(Ed.)L'annuaire du Québec 2004:274-275.Saint-Laurent,Qc:Fides.

Bibby,R. [1990] La religion à laCarte auQuébec:UneAnalyse deTendances.Sociologie et sociétés,22(2):133-144.

Germain,A.,Gagnon, J.E.&Polo,A.-L. [2003]L'aménagement des lieux de culte des minorités ethniques: enjeux et dynamiques locales. Montréal:InstitutNationaldelaRechercheScientifiqueUrbanisation,CultureetSociété.

la diversitÉ religieuse au quÉbec, rÉelle et imaginaire, visible et invisible

Le paysage religieux québécois a connu unprocessusdesécularisationtrèsrapideayantdébutédèslaRévolution tranquille des années 1960, alors que lamondialisation commençait à introduire de nouvellesinfluencesreligieusesdanslaprovince.Notrerechercheethnographique, réalisée en collaboration avec cinqautres chercheurs, vise à documenter la nouvellediversitéreligieusequiestapparueauQuébecaucoursdes dernières décennies, ainsi que la signification dureligieuxdans lequotidiendesQuébécois.Bienqueleprojet couvre tout le Québec, nous présentons ici lesrésultatsdesdonnéesrecueilliesàMontréal, laville laplusgrandeetlaplusmulticulturelledelaprovince.Aucoursdestroisdernièresannées,l’équipederechercheaeffectuédesobservationsetdesentrevuesauprèsde100 groupes religieux situés àMontréal (sur un totalde 137 groupes dans toute la province), dont 38 ontfait l’objet d’études plus approfondies. Les groupesvisés représentent (1)des religionsétabliesauQuébecdepuis les années 1960 (par exemple les Baha’is, lesgroupes néo-chamaniques, incluant le duidisme et lewicca);(2)denouvellesformesdepratiquesreligieusesapparues au sein de traditions religieuses établiesdepuis longtemps (dans le cas de certaines églisescatholiques ou juives); (3) des religions importéespar les immigrants (incluant l’islam, l’hindouisme,certainesformesdebouddhisme);(4)descongrégations

dereligionsétabliesdepuis longtempsqui incluentunnombreimportantd’immigrantsparmileursmembres.Dans cette contribution, nous présentons le paysagereligieuxquébécoisactuelensoulignantquelques-unesdestendancesquiressortentdenosdonnées.Dansunesecondepartie,nousprésentonsplusspécifiquementlesgroupesreligieuxcomposésd’immigrants.

Un des résultats les plus significatifs de notreprojetconsisteenlarelativeinvisibilitédelareligiositédesQuébécoisdits«desouche»,soientlespersonnesfrancophones,néesauQuébecetbaptiséescatholiques.En fait, les individusqui fréquententde tels groupesrestentgénéralementdiscretsquantà leurspratiqueset n’en parlent pas à leur entourage. Tandis que lesdébats publics concernant la religion tendent à seconcentrersurl’islametsurlesmarqueursvisiblesdureligieuxtelsquelevoileoulekirpan, nous soutenons que bien que le paysage religieux soit relativementvarié, une grande part de cette diversité demeurerelativeinvisiblesocialement.

Parmi les caractéristiques principales du paysagereligieux québécois actuel, nous trouvons une grandevariétéderessourcesreligieusesdésormaisdisponiblesaux Québécois; il semblerait que le processus desécularisation ainsi que l’anticléricalisme généraliséqui a suivi la Révolution tranquille aient créé unvide de références pour la majorité des Québécoisnés catholiques, au moment même où de nouvellesressources religieuses pénétraient la province. Nous

gÉraLdine mossière and deirdre meinteL

53

observonségalementunegrandemobilitédesindividusentrelestraditionsetgroupesreligieux.Eneffet,sioncompte plusieursmilliers de convertis à l’Islam, ceuxqui traversent les frontières religieuses sans changerd’affiliationsontencoreplusnombreux.Ainsi,beaucoupdeQuébécois«desouche»quenousavonsrencontrésdisent s’identifier au catholicisme, tout en adoptantde nouvelles façons d’expérimenter le sacré, à traversle spiritualisme par exemple. De tels comportementsdéfinissent de nouvelles hybridités religieuses, tellesque lespratiquesnéo-chamaniquesoucelles liéesà laWiccaparexemple.Àcetégard,lesjeunessemontrentparticulièrement innovateurs pour créer de nouveauxtypes de regroupements religieux, qui impliquentparfoisunactivismepolitiqueensusdeleurengagementspirituel,parexempledansledomaineenvironnementalpour la protection de la «TerreMère». Soulignons àcet égard que la guérison occupe généralement uneplacecentraledanscescourants religieux.Les formesde sociabilité religieuses démontrent également lagrandecréativitédesgroupesreligieuxpuisquecertainsrecourent au médium Internet tandis que d’autresprivilégient les expériences collectives spontanées etlimitéesdansletemps.

Par ailleurs, les résultats montrent que lesinstitutions religieuses, en particulier catholiques (àquelques exceptions près) font preuve d’une grandeflexibilitépours’adapterauxnouveauxdéfisnésdelamodernité, en particulier aux nouvelles populationsqui se présentent à elles (homosexuels, immigrants).De façon générale, les congrégations religieusesconstituent d’importants espaces d’interactionsethniques. En effet, aucun des groupes que nousavons rencontrés n’est monoethnique et la plupartcomptent des individus provenant de divers hori-zons nationaux. Les populations d’immigrants sontd’ailleurs également fort diverses au niveau religieux(parexemples,lesHaïtiensetlesVietnamiens).Notonstoutefois que les populations immigrant au Québec

sontmajoritairementcatholiques,etqu’ilsintroduisentainsileurproprestyleliturgiqueetobligentlesparoisseslocales à certains accommodements, notamment auniveaudelalanguedeculte.Lescatholiquesd’originelatino ont par ailleurs insufflé un nouvel élan aumouvementcharismatiqueauQuébec.

Dans ce paysage, les groupes religieux composésd’immigrants se démarquent par leur souci d’aiderleursmembres à s’adapter à leur société de résidenceen leur offrant une variété de ressources matérielles,sociales, émotionnelles, et psychologiques, etc. Cesservices complètent bien souvent ceux offerts par lesassociations gouvernementales. Pour ces populations,la religion constitue un langage symbolique qui leurpermetdereformulerleurexpériencemigratoireendestermes valorisants. À cet égard, les groupes religieuxaffichentunevariétéd’attitudesrelativementàlasociétéquébécoise: si une minorité adopte une approchesectaireouprosélyte,d’autrespréfèrentresterdiscretstandis que certains groupes organisent des activitésdestinées à les faire mieux connaître au public pluslarge.Faceàl’attentionmédiatiquedontilsfontl’objet,beaucoupdecesgroupescommecertainsPentecôtisteschoisissent de souligner les convergences de point devue qui les rapprochent de la société québécoise ensoulignant combien les immigrants ont à apporter àleur pays d’accueil en termes économique, culturel etsocial. D’ailleurs plusieurs groupes ont adapté leurspratiques religieuses aux contraintes de leur nouvelenvironnement.CesonttoutefoislesmodèlesfamiliauxquirestentlepointdetensionleplusimportantpuisquedenombreuxgroupestelsquelesCatholiquesTamoulsconsidèrentlehauttauxdedivorce,demonoparentalitéou de concubinage ayant cours dans la sociétéquébécoise commedemauvais exemples et voient unlien de cause à effet entre la faiblesse du lien familialet le taux de pratique religieuse relativement bas desQuébécois«desouche».

reLigious diVersitY in queBeC, reaL and imagined, VisiBLe and inVisiBLe

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christian minority in indian multicultural diversity: issues of equity, identity and emPoWermentchristopher s. raj, Professor, Center for Canadian, US and Latin American Studies, School of International studies and Dean of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

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introductionIndiaisnotanationofimmigrants;itisahomeland,

a civilization society. Since liberal multiculturalism isa product of immigrant societies, there are significantdifferences between the Indian model of diversity andthe Western liberal multicultural scheme. The Indianconstitution does not declare India to be multiculturalandIndianidentityiscloselyassociatedwiththemajorityHinduculture.Thereforecommunitiesthatdiffer fromitaredesignatedasminorities.Nevertheless, guarantees intheConstitutionprotectingtherightsoftheseminoritiesmade a multicultural society possible in India. Yetminoritiesareseeninreligiouscontextonly.Theproblem,thus,doesnotlieinthemeredistinctionbetweenmajorityand minorities but with the idea that irreconcilabledifferencesexistbetweenthemaswellasinthepersistenceofdiscrimination.Moreoverminoritiesandmajoritiesareseen to increasingly clash over such issues as languagerights, regional autonomy, political representation,education curriculum, land claims, national anthem orpublicholidays(RajandMcAndrew,2009).

In this article, after recalling the complexity anddiversityoftheHindumajorityandthedefinitionofvariousminorities, we examine the situation of one of themostimportant religious minorities of India, the Christians,aswellassomeofthechallengesitfacesintermsequity,identity,andempowerment.

majority and minorities: comPleX and contested concePts in india

The Hindu majority is itself not a culturallyhomogeneouscommunitybecauseofthepresenceoffourhierarchical castes (almost similar to class in Westerncontext)containingnumeroussub-casteswithinthem.The hierarchical caste system, which has dominated Indiansocietyforover3000years,wasdevelopedbytheBrahmins(HinduPriests)tomaintaintheirsuperiorityoverthelesseducated and less skilled (Kethineni, 2010). Over time,

thecastesystemwasformalizedintofourdistinctclasses(varnas).AtthetopofthehierarchyaretheBrahmins,whoareconsideredarbitersinmattersoflearning,teaching,andreligion.NextinlinearetheKshatriyas who are warriors andadministrators.ThethirdcategoryistheVaisyas,whobelongtotheartisancommercialclass.Finally,theSudras(BackwardCaste)arefarmersandpeasants.Itissignificantthat conversion to Christianity or accepting Christ asSaviourhastakenplaceinallthefourcastessincethefirstcenturywhenChrist’sdiscipleThomasbroughttheGospelofChristtopeopleofSouthIndiaandstillcontinuestoday.

Beneaththefourcastesthereisafifthgroup,whichisnotincludedaspartoftheIndiancastesystem.Individualsfromthisgroupareliterallyuntouchablebytherestofthecastes;thesesociallyexcludedpeopledescribethemselvesas “Dalit” (Massey, 1997). For centuries, Dalits were nottreated as part of the mainstream Indian Society andwere traditionally assigned menial and degrading jobs.Gandhian liberals referred to themasHarijans (childrenofGod)andtheGovernmentofIndiaofficiallycallsthem“schedule castes.” Indeed this was based on the BritishgovernmentnotificationwherebytheSimonCommissiondrewupanofficiallistofsociallyexcludedcasteandtribesin 1930 called the “ScheduleCastes” (SC) and “ScheduleTribes”(ST).“Scheduled”meanstheyareonagovernmentschedule that entitles them to certain protections andaffirmative actions.According to theWorldDirectoryofMinoritiesandIndigenousPeopleof theUNHCR(2009),asof2001thereareapproximately166.6millionDalits,outof India’s population of a billion. Reports estimated thatsome16millionDalitsareChristians.TheScheduleTribesorAdivasi(Indigenouspeople)constitute84millionoftheIndian population.Among then twomillion belong to aScheduleTribeorareAdivasiChristians(UNHCR:2009).

In addition to this complex composition of the socalledHindumajority,Indiahasitsshareofminorities—generally defined in religious terms—though theConstitutiondoesacknowledgetheexistenceoflinguistic

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Christian minoritY in indian muLtiCuLturaL diVersitY: issue oF equitY, identitY and empowerment

of Jharkhand and in the seven small states ofNortheast India. In opposition to the widespread perception ofChristiansasaprivilegedgroup,linkedtotheassociationof Christianity with the British colonial power, it isimportanttostressthatthemajorityofChristiansinIndiabelong to the Schedule Caste (16 million) and ScheduleTribes (2 million) categories. Together they constitutesome 18 million Christians (more that 70% or 75% ofthe community),which is substantial (Nasiruddin: 2007;CatholicBishop’sConferenceofIndia:2011).

issues of equity, identity and emPoWermentThe Indian Constitution recognises the Christian

minority and the rites that have been described above. Yet there is discrimination in the form of inequity relating to identity and empowerment. Main issuesfor concerns are related to a restrictive interpretationof constitutional protections, the limits imposed toconversionaswellasthepersistenceandevenincreaseofviolenceagainstthecommunity.

Thefirst issue canbe clearly linked to thehistoricalfactorsalludedtobefore.Indeed,inAugust1950theDalit or Schedule Cast Christians encountered majordiscrimination when the President of India issued anorderthroughtheMinistryofLawwhichstates:“Notwith standinganythingcontainedinparagraphtwonopersonwho professes a religion different from the Hindu or the Sikh religion shall be deemed to be a member of aScheduled Casted.” (Raj, 1988) Christian organizationslike theNationalChristianCouncil, theCatholicBishopCouncilandtheCatholicRegionalCommitteeofNagpurall sought for the removal of this discriminative orderbut without success. In 1984 and 1985, two petitionsof Christian Dalits were presented before the SupremeCourt, seeking removal of their discriminative content.In its judgment the Court affirmed not only that theConstitution enjoins upon the President also to specifywhich Castes or which parts of those castes are to be consideredScheduledCastesandthatonlytheParliamentcan overturn the President’s decision, but that thecaste system is a phenomenon peculiar to Hindu (notIndian)society.SincethePresidentknewthatHinduand Sikh Dalits suffered from serious disabilities andbackwardness,hecouldlimitconstitutionalprotectiontothem(Webster,2009).

Thus religion was used as criterion in 1950 todefine theScheduleCasteandaccording to itonly thosebackward castes (socially, educationally, economically)whoprofessedHindureligionshouldbeconsideredinthecategoryofScheduleCaste.OnthebasisofthiscriterionallotherpeopleprofessingIslam,ChristianityandBuddhismwereleftout.However,in1990thethirdparagraphofthe

minorities(Joseph,2009).IndeedtheConstitutionofIndiahascopiedtheidentificationofIndianminoritiesfromthereportpreparedbytheAdvisoryCommitteeonminoritiessubmitted to the Constituent Assembly in August 1947(Raj,1988).Asthereportrecords,tillthisstage,thesevenminoritycommunitiesofficiallyacceptedwere(1)Anglo-Indian;(2)Parsees;(3)PlaintribesmaninAssam;(4)IndianChristians; (5) Sikhs; (6) Muslims; (7) Scheduled Caste.While the Constituent Assembly was in the process of“practicallyunanimously”acceptingtheReport,anardentBrahmin leader, K.M. Munshi, asked for a seeminglyinnocent amendment: to (a) delete the ScheduledCastesfromthelistofminorities,(b)includethefollowingaddition,“I-A: The section of the Hindu Community referred to asScheduledCastesasdefinedoneoftheGovernmentofIndia Act 1935, shall have the same rights and benefits,whicharehereinprovided forminorities specified in theScheduletopara1.”(ConstituentAssemblyDebates,1947).This amendment was “constitutional fraud,” (Rajsekar,1983) and was fatal to the Schedule Caste who becameChristiansastheyweredeniedthesameprivilegesenjoyedby the Schedule Caste who are not Christians, which isoneof the issues raised in thispaper.Thusfive religiousgroupsarecurrentlyrecognizedbytheIndianconstitutionas religious minorities: Muslims, Christians, Buddhists,SikhsandParsis.

indian christian minorityAs per the 2001 census, there are about 24 million

Christians in India (nearly equal to the population ofCanada), and among them 18 million are Catholics.Christianity(2.3%ofthetotalIndianpopulation)isIndia’slargestreligionafterHinduism(80%ofthepopulation)andIslam(13.4%)(Nasiruddin,2007).TheChristianpopulationisconcentrated inthreemajorareas:SouthIndia,ontheKonkanCoast,andamongtheTribalpeopleofJharkhandStateandthesevenstatesoftheNorthEast.InSouthIndiathe major Christian centres of Christianity are Kerala,Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh (Ooman, 2000). Themajority of the Christians in Kerala, constituting about19%ofthepopulationofthestate,tracetheoriginoftheirfaithtothe1stcenturymissionaryactivitiesofThomas,thediscipleofChrist.WhilethePortugueseMissiontriedtobringthemundertheLatinrite,manycontinuedtoadheretotheirtraditionalrites,someundertheCatholicChurchand others outside.TheTamil Church is overladenwithlayersoftraditions,fromSt.ThomastothePortugueseandbeyond, including the greatwaveof conversion from the18th tothe19thcentury.OthercentresofChristianityareGoa(wherethePortuguesesetuptheseatoftheChurch),Mangalore and Bombay. Among the tribal people, theCatholicChurchhas apronouncedpresence in the state

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Christopher s. raj

to evangelize, but not to proselytize. In 2003, ruling oncertainprovisionsoftheOrissaFreedomofReligiousAct(1967), theSupremeCourtobserved:“WhatArticle25(1)grantsisnottheexpositionofitstenets.”(Webster,2009).But then,what is the freedom to practice andpropagatewithrestrictions—howdoesonespreadhisreligionifnotthroughconversion?

FinallytheChurchesinIndiahavereleaseddocumentsindicating that violence againstChristians has increasedsince1998morethanbetween1950to1997. Inthestatesof Gujarat, Orissa, Punjab, Karnataka Rajasthan, UttarPradesh, Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh, violenceagainst the Christians has increased. The conspiracybegins by fanning hatred, creating Mythology of Hatethrough disinformation and by repeating falsehood.TheconspiracyistobrandtheChristiancommunityasaliens.By propounding a thesis “One people, One Nation andOneCulture,” theeffortsof thisgrouptend todenouncethe pluralistic traditions of Indian culture, the richnessofitsdiversityandthespiritualcontributionofitsvariedfaiths.Anyonewhoisdifferentisbrandedasanenemy,andattacked,coercedandassaulted.TheattacksandviolenceontheChristiancommunityarewellplanned.Firstly,theattackisonthephysicalsymbolsoftheChurch,especiallyon personnel involved in grass roots empowermentincludingpriestsandnuns.Theattemptistoscare,coerce,humiliate and threaten life. The second pressure is on the institutions, again with the apparent objective toensure that the Christian community social outreach iscurtailed, its contribution to nation buildingminimized(Molishree, 2006). The final attack is on Christianwitnesses.ItisdesignednotjusttobreakthespiritbuttoweakenChristianfaith.

Foreign Christian missionaries have also been thetargetsofattacks.Inawell-publicizedcase,GrahamStaines,anAustralianMissionaryworkingamonglepers,wasburnttodeathwhilehewassleepingwithhistwosmallsonsinhisstationwagoninOrissavillage inJanuary1999.Suchviolence on foreign missionary continues in other partsof India too. In its annualhuman rights report for1999,theUnitedStatesDepartmentofStatecriticizedIndiafor“increasing societal violence against Christians.”(Nahan,2006).Thereportlistedover90incidentsofanti-Christianviolence, ranging from damage of religious property toattacksagainstChristianpilgrims.BetweenJuly2000andDecember2007,therehavebeenmorethanviolentattackscommitted against Christians in Orissa, Karnataka,Tamil Nadu,Madhya Pradesh, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh,UttarakhandandUttarPradesh(MinorityChristian,2010).Insomeofthesecases,theactsofviolenceincludeforciblere-conversionbacktoHinduismofconvertedChristians,distribution of threatening literature and destruction ofChristiancemeteries.

Presidential Order 1950 as amended by the Parliamentextendedconstitutionalbenefits toDalitBuddhist, alongwithDalitHindus.In1990inParliament,whilestatingtheobject and reason for proposing to include Buddhists ofScheduleCasteorigin inthe listofScheduledCastes,SriRamVilasPaswan (whowas then theUnionMinisterofWelfareandLabour)madeclearthecriterionsaying:

Neo-Buddhists are a religious group which has come into existence in 1956 as a result of a wave of conversion of the Schedule Caste under the leadership of Dr. B.R.Ambedkar. Upon conversion to Buddhism they became ineligible for statutory concession and facilities available to the Schedule Castes to them also, on the grounds that change of religion has not altered their social and economic conditions… they objectively deserve to be treated as the Scheduled Castes… (Raj, 1988).

The important point in Paswan’s statement is thatthis amendment of 1990 to the Presidential Order of1950has changed the criterion about religion, by clearlystating:“thatthechangeofreligion”doesnotalter“socialand economic condition.”This truth had been acceptedandapprovedbytheParliamentofIndiaatthetimeoftheSecondamendmentofthePresidentialOrderof1950.Thisposition,however,isnotextendedtoChristians.InareportofMarch2011,itwasrevealedthatthecentreseemtiltedagainsttheinclusionof“Dalit”ChristiansandMuslimsintheScheduleCaste list,arguing theneed forevidence toshowthatconvertscontinuedtofacediscriminationofthesamedegreeasbeforetheirexitfromtheHindufold(NCCINewsletter,2012).

Thus because of this distinctionDalit Christians donot have the same empowering opportunities as non-ChristianDalitssuchasreservedseatsandspecialsupport(violation of the Articles 15, 29 and 47) in governmentjobs (Violation ofArticle 16), and in the Parliament andState legislatures,MunicipalityandPanchayats (violationArticles 330 and 332). Moreover there is usually a lessgenerous interpretation of the provision of Article 26regarding the right of minorities to manage their owneducational institutionswhenthe latterare linkedto theChristianminority.

Asecondissueisthelimitimposedonconversion.TheStatesofArunachalPradesh,Rajasthan,MadhyaPradesh,Himachal Pradesh, Jharkhand, Orissa and Tamil Naduhavepassedlawsrestrictingorprohibitingconversion.In1977, the SupremeCourt of India ruled in the case Rev.StansilausVSMadhyaPradeshthattherighttopropagatereligiondidnotincludetherighttoconvertotherstoone’sownreligion.Inotherwords,Article25(1)grantedtheright

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Christian minoritY in indian muLtiCuLturaL diVersitY: issue oF equitY, identitY and empowerment

Massey, J. [1997]DownTrodden:TheStrugglesof India’sDalits forIdentity,SolidarityandLiberations(Geneva,WCC,1997).

Molishree, Minority Education Institutions: A Critical Analysis(CentreforCivilSociety,Bangalore,2006).

Minority,Christian[2010](IndianSocialInstitute,NewDelhi,2011).

Nahan,Emanual.MinorityRightsinIndia:ChristianExperiencesandApprehensions,Mainstream,(NewDelhi),45(1),December23th2006.

Nasiruddin, Syed (compilation), Backward Classes Welfare: SC, ST, OBCs & Government Intervention (New Delhi; 2007); (http://www.atiwb.in/index-htm-files/Bacward_classes-welfare.pdf ).

Oomman, George. The Emerging Dalit Theology: A HistoricalAppraisal,IndianChurchHistoryReview,34(1),June2000.

Raj,Ebenzar.Sunder,TheConfusionCalledConversion(1stEdition,TRACIPublications,1988).

Sachar Committee Report [2006] “Supreme Court Upholds MinorityRights:NCCIWelcomestheJudgement,”NCCINewsletterApril2012.

UNHCR, World Directory of Minorities and indigenous People: IndiaOverview(NewYork,2009).

Webster,C.B.TheDalitChristian:AHistory(NewDelhi,2009).

concluding remarKsThe situation of the Christian minority in India

clearlydemonstrates that even if India defines itself as asecular and pluralist country, cultural prejudices and discrimination toward pursuing a Christian way of lifeand managing empowering institutions run high at theindividual, group and state level. India while evolvinginto amodern stateneeds to address andbe sensitive tomulticulturalideasofequalityofculturesandofreligiouscommunities in the public domain. Discrimination isstill widespread and in the case of Christians is closelyentangled with deeply entrenched historical factorswhich probably make it more difficult to address than inimmigrantreceivingsocieties,wherediversityisamorerecent phenomenon. Nevertheless there could be somebenefits to increased comparative studies of problems andsolutionsinCanadaandIndiainthisregard.

reFerenCes

Raj, Christopher & Mc Andrew, Marie. Multiculturalism: Public PolicyandProblemAreasinCanadaandIndia(NewDelhi,2009).

IndianConstituentAssemblyDebates[1947]5.(NewDelhi).

Kethineni, S. [2010]Dalit theOppressed People of India:How aretheir Social, Economic andHumanRights addressed?War Crimes, Genocide & Crime against Humanity,4:99-140.

la minoritÉ chrÉtienne dans la diversitÉ indienne: enjeuX d'ÉquitÉ, d'identitÉ et d'habilitation

Il existe de grandes divergences entre les appro-ches indiennes entourant la diversité et le libéralismemulticulturel des sociétésoccidentales.Dans sa cons-titution, l’Inde ne se déclare pas multiculturelle, etl’identité indienne demeure fortement associée à laculturehindouemajoritaire.Lescommunautésquineseconformentpasàcemodèledominantsontconsidéréescommedesminorités,etleursdroitssontgarantisparla constitution. La discrimination cependant persiste,du même coup que l’idée selon laquelle il existe desdifférences irréconciliables entre la majorité et lesdiversesminorités.

majorité et minorités: des concepts complexes et contestés

La majorité hindoue elle-même est très loin dereprésenter un segment homogène de la population,puisqu’elle est sous-divisée en quatre castes hiérar-

chiques et des milliers de sous-castes. Au fil dutemps, le système des castes s’est vu cristallisé en 4 classes distinctes (varnas): les Brahmans, quis’occupentdesaffairesintellectuellesetreligieuses;lesKshatriyas, guerriers et administrateurs; les Vaisyas,les artisans; et finalement les Sudras (caste arriérée), lespaysansetfermiers.

Ilexisteuncinquièmegroupe,quin’estpasinclutdans le système des castes indien. Les individus dece groupe sont littéralement «intouchables» par lesmembres des autres castes.Ces individus s’identifientcomme Dalits. Pendant des siècles, ils ont existé enmarge de la société indienne, et se voyaient assignerdes basses tâches, voire des tâches dégradantes. Legouvernementindienlesdésignesouslenomdecastesrépertoriées.Répertoriéessignifiequ’ilssont identifiéscommetelsdanslaconstitutionetqu’ilsreçoiventainsicertaine protections. Ils bénéficient aussi de mesuresd’actions positives. Il y aurait 170 millions de Dalitsen Inde, surunepopulationd’àpeuprèsunmilliard. 16millionsd’entreeuxsontChrétiens.

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De plus, l’Inde compte un bon nombre demino- rités, définies généralement sur des bases religieuses.Cinq groupes religieux sont présentement reconnuscomme minorités religieuses par la constitution indienne: les Musulmans, les Chrétiens, les Boud-dhistes,lesSikhsetlesParsis.CelasignifiequelesDalitschrétiens sont reconnus comme minorité religieuse,maisqu’ilsneprofitentdesmêmesmesuresaffirmativesquelesDalitsnon-Chrétiens.

la minoritÉ chrÉtienne en indeSelonlerecensementde2001,ilyaurait27millions

dechrétiensenInde,dont1,8millionsdecatholiques. Le christianisme est la troisième religion la plusrépandue, après l’hindouisme (80%) et l’islam (15%).Lapopulationchrétienneseconcentremajoritairementdans lesudde l’Inde,sur lacôteduKonkan,etparmiles populations tribales du Jharkhand et des états duNord-est. Dans le sud de l’Inde, les chrétiens viventsurtoutauKerala,auTamilNadu,enAndhraPradesh,àGoa, àMangalore et àMumbaï.Contrairement à laperceptiontrèsrépanduequeleschrétiensformentungroupe financièrement privilégiée, il est important denoterque lamajoritédeschrétiensappartiennentà lacatégoriedescastesetdes tribus répertoriées. Il s’agitducasdeprèsde24millionsdechrétiens,soit85%delacommunauté.

des Problèmes d’ÉquitÉLa constitution indienne reconnait les minorités

chrétiennes.Mais il y a encore discrimination. Parmilesproblèmesonnoteuneinterprétationrestrictivedesprotectionsconstitutionnelles,leslimitesimposéesauxpossibles conversions, et la violence persistante contre lacommunauté.

Les protections accordées par la constitutionaux minorités sont parfois inégalement réparties ourestrictives. La religion fut l’un des critères utilisésdans lesannées1950pourdéfinirceuxappartenantàdes castes répertoriées, et seule une caste arriérée sedéclarant comme Hindoue pouvait être enregistréecomme caste répertoriée. Cela n’incluait donc pasles musulmans, les chrétiens et les bouddhistes.Cependant,en1990,letroisièmeparagraphedel’ordreprésidentielde1950futmodifiépar leparlement,afin

d’étendre les bénéfices des castes répertoriées aux Dalits bouddhistes. Cela fut fait, selon Sri RamVilasPaswan (à ce moment-là ministre du travail), car laconversion ne modifie pas la condition économiqueet sociale. Bien que cette vérité ait été acceptée parle parlement indien, le statut des Dalits chrétiens etautre convertis n’a pas été modifié. Dans un rapportdemars 2011, il fut révélé que le centre était réticentàl’idéed’inclurelesDalitschrétiensetlesmusulmansdans la liste des castes répertoriées, demandant despreuves que les convertis continuaient à subir lamêmediscrimination qu’avant leur conversion et leurrenonciationàl’hindouisme.LesDalitschrétiens,donc,nejouissentpasdesmêmesopportunitésquelesDalitsnon-chrétiens,commeparexemplesdesplacesréservéesdanslafonctionpubliqueetdusupportéducatif.

Un deuxième problème émerge des limitesimposées aux possibilités de conversion. L’ArunachalPradesh, leRajasthan, leMadhyaPradesh, l’HimachalPradesh, le Jharkhand, l’Orissa et le Tamil Nadupose des restrictions ou interdisent tout bonnementla conversion. En 1977, la court suprême indiennepromulguaqueledroitdepropagersareligionn’incluaitpasledroitdeconvertird’autrespersonnes.

Finalement, les églises indiennes ont fait circulerdes documents qui semblent indiquer que la violencecontre les chrétiens a augmentéplus vitedepuis 1998qu’entre 1950 et 1997. Dans les états du Gujarat,d’Orissa, du Punjab, du Karnataka, du Rajasthan, del’UttarPradesh,duTamilNaduetdel’AndhraPradesh,laviolencecontreleschrétiensauraientaugmentée.

conclusionLa situation de la minorité chrétienne en Inde

démontre clairement que même si l’Inde se définitcomme un pays séculier et pluraliste, les préjugésculturels continuent d’influencer les individus, lesgroupes et les états.Ladiscrimination est encore trèsrépandue, et dans le cas des chrétiens, est influencéepar des facteurs historiques qui rendent sa gestionplus difficile que dans les sociétés d’immigration, oùladiversitéestunphénomèneplus récent.Malgrécesdifférences, davantage d’études comparatives exami-nantlesproblèmesetlessolutionsàcetégarddanslessociétésindienneetcanadienneseraientbénéfiques.

Christopher s. raj

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reinterPreting the fast for the longevity of the husband: a case study of Women’s agency in a hindu temPle in montrealanne-laure betbeder lauque, Ph.D., Department of Sociology, Université du Québec à Montréal.

introductionThisessaydealswithIndianwomen’sagencytowards

theHindu faith aspracticed inMontreal and the roleofHinduwomen inQuebec.As suggestedbyButler (1997),women’s agency, which is the cornerstone of this essay,assumes “reflexivity” towards religious and patriarchalinstitutionstoredefineone’sself-identity.Whilefocussingonthepracticeoffastingforthelongevityofthehusband,Iintendtopresenthowfirst-generationimmigrantHinduwomen transmit their traditional ideal of the exemplarywife (pativrata)totheirdaughters.ThequestionIwillbeaddressingis:bymeansofthisfast,doHinduimmigrantwomen reproduce and transmit the ideology of thepativrata to their daughters or do they re-interpret thisveryideologyonmoreliberalgrounds?

The results of my study rely on qualitative dataobtained from a five-year participant observation andforty semi-structured interviews conducted with firstand second-generation Hindu women from variousregional backgrounds:Uttar Pradesh,Gujarat and SouthIndia (Betbeder, 2012). In my sample, the proportion ofrespondents from Uttar Pradesh (20), Gujarat (10) andSouthIndia(10)roughlyreflectsthatoftheHindu Mandir.Morespecifically, thisfieldworkwasconducted inoneofMontreal’sHindupublicplacesofworshipwhereonecanfinddevoteesfromvariousregions(UttarPradesh,Punjab,Gujarat and South India) and sectarian affiliations orreformmovements (Vaishnava, Shaiva and Arya Samaj). Iwillhereassesshowtheirparticipationwithinaselecteddiasporic templemay impact their self-identificationandalterthewaythisfastisconducted.

According to Pearson (1996), this fast was imposed onwomen by the caste of the priesthood (Brahmin), for they wished to relegate female religious practices tothe domestic sphere. The Brahmanic prescriptions arepredominantly conservative. Surely, those Brahmanic

prescriptionssupporttheideologyofthepativrataastheypreventwomenfromassigninganegalitarianmeaningtothisfast.Literally,thetermpativratameansthatawifemakesavowofsubmissiontoherhusband(pati)whomustbetreatedasagodandwhosesalvationdependsonthesincerityof this vow (vrata). In the Indian state of Maharashtra, McGee (1992) reveals how educated women not onlyquestionbutalsoexpressinavarietyofwaysthemeaningsthat they assign to this fast. Far from restricting myanalysis to these meanings, I also intend to study theplacesofobservance,thechoiceoftheofficiant,thedeitiesworshipped,thetextsandlanguagesused,thesocializationpatternstheygenerateandtherelationshipwithfood.AsobservedbyMackenzie(1996),fastritualscanbeconductedbywomenorpriests.Fastritualsvaryfromonefamilytoanothersincedifferentdeitiescanbepraised.

the Public Place of WorshiP: unveiling Women’s agency

Atthepublicplaceofworship,the2008ceremonyforthe longevityof thehusband,alsonamedKarva Chauth, wasconductedbyafemaledevoteefromUttarPradeshandgatheredapproximatelyahundredwomenoriginallyfromUttarPradeshandPunjab.Aswomenarenotallowed toenter themainshrine (garbha griha), the femaledevoteeresponsible for the ceremony improvised an altar at thecenter of the prayer hall with a pictorial representationofthegoddessDurga. Insum,shemanagedto investthe“publicsphere”ofthetemplebyselectingherstoryofthefast and the presiding deity as it was customary in herfamily(Rayaprol,1997).Theconceptofthe“publicsphere”ofthepublictempleisusedbyRayaprol(1997),anotionthatIwilltransposetothedomesticsphereandthustoprivatealtars. She also addresses the question of “private tasks”conductedbywomeninthepublictempleasanextensionoftheirhome,whichIwillrefertoasthe“privatesphere”

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anne-Laure BetBeder Lauque

multiplevernacularlanguagesthatareHindiandPunjabialongwith the content of their songs attests of the pan-Indianandegalitarianclaimsofmyrespondents.

In Montreal, Ghosh (1981) found that maritalrelationshipswithin theSouthAsiancommunityarenotfully egalitarian since women remain mainly in chargeof the housework. Given the situation, one can easilyunderstand the relevance of the egalitarian claimsmadebymy respondents as they sing for a fair distribution ofhousehold chores while targeting the private sphere.At this public placeofworship, femaledevotees are alsoexemptedfromengagingindomesticchores,sinceamealis served to thembyvolunteermenandwomen inordertobreakthefast.Overall,investingthe“publicsphere”ofthispublicplaceofworshipallows themtoby-pass theirsocialprescriptions,makeegalitarianclaimsandredefinethemeaningofthispractice.

Even though Hindu women were not allowed toconductdomesticritualsfortheirownsalvationasoftheBrahmanicperiod,McGee(1992)remindsustobemindfulof the multiple meanings that contemporary Indianwomen assign to the fasting. Indeed, themajority ofmyrespondentsconsiderthattheobservanceofKarva Chauth hasforprimaryobjectivethewell-beingofthewholefamilyandnotjustthatofthehusband,whileaminorityofthemalsoassignmentalandphysicalbenefitstoit.Overall,thesemultiple reinterpretations validate Butler’s theory (2005)ongenderwhicharguesthateventhoughwomeninitiallyreproduce pre-established social norms, they are free toquestionthemlateronintheirlives.

food restrictions: the transmission of a moderate diet

Accordingtomyinterviews,theliberalinterpretationattributed toKarva Chauth appears tohavea significantrepercussiononthedietaryrestrictionsofmyrespondentsfromUttarPradesh.Consideringthatthepubliccelebrationof Karva Chauth reflects a regional normativity fromUttarPradesh,thissub-sectionfocusesonmysub-sampleofmarriedwomen fromUttar Pradesh. Such is the caseof one respondent from Uttar Pradesh whose diet hasevolvedthroughheracculturationprocessasshestartedtoquestiontheandrocentricmeaningofthisfast.Eventually,sherenegotiatedthepurposeofherfastinegalitariantermsandadoptedamoderatedietthatsheproudlypassedontoherdaughter.Therefore,onecanarguethattheobservanceof this fast is constantly evolving and can be placed onan analytical continuum ranging from the completedeprivationoffoodtoitsunrestrictedconsumption.Thisexample illustrates my sub-sample composed of firstgenerationsfromUttarPradeshwhounanimouslyobserveKarva Chauthwithgreat freedom,while theirdaughtersremainfreetofollowsuchapracticeandadapttheirdiets.

of the public temple to echo her first notion of “publicsphere.”Moreover, theplaceof celebration addresses theBrahmanicprescriptionsunderwhichthisfastbecametheonly domestic religious practice in which women couldindulgesincetheBrahmanicperiod(Mackenzie,1996).

Inthisregard,itisimportanttonoteitisnotapriestwho officiated at the ceremony, but a respondent fromUttarPradeshwhowasresponsibleforpreparingthesacredplates (thalis)andreadingtheKarva ChauthstoryinHindi.Inmanyways,theselectionofboththeoraltraditionandtheuseofHindiasavernacularlanguagereflectadistancefromtheBrahmanictradition.The“greattradition”orthetraditionofHinduismwhichhasbeenmaintainedbytheBrahmin, values theuseof theVedic texts andSanskrit,whereas the “little tradition” of Hinduism resorts tofolk texts and vernacular languages. Nevertheless, thisrespondent was unaware of this particularity and wasmostly interested in socializing with her female friendsin theabsenceofanextended family.Myrespondentsoffirst generation immigrants fromUttar Pradeshwere onaverage22yearsoldatthetimeofmigrationwhichexplainstheirpoorexposuretothenotionsofthe“great”and“little”traditions of Hinduism. In this specific case, women’sagencycanbeviewedasananalyticaltoolsincethesubjectisnotalwaysfullyawarethatherchoicesmayleadtosocialor symbolic changes.Once the storywas completed, thegiftsthattheyplacedonthesacredplateswereexchangednotwiththeirmothers-in-lawbutwiththeirfemalefriendstocelebratetheunityofareconstitutedsorority.

As this female devotee proceeded to the publicreadingoftheKarva Chauthstory,sheprovidedherownegalitarian interpretation of its meaning by concludingwith a sentence which emphasized the importance ofassuring the longevity of both spouses. This egalitarianre-interpretationoftheideologyofthepativrataoccurredwithinthe“publicsphere”ofthistemplewhichpublicallyquestionsthe“polysemy”ofthismythicalstory.Accordingto Levi Strauss (1983), it is preciselywhen an individualtakes a standon a given symbolic structure that variousinterpretationscanemerge,hencetheterm“polysemy.”

In2010, this same respondent inquired to thepriestif he could perform the ritual, for it would allow her toexpressheregalitarianconcernsbyrecitingKarva Chauth songs in vernacular Hindi. These field data challengeRobinson’s (1985) study in which some of her femalerespondentsfromWestBengalvoluntarilyresortedtotheservices of a priest to compensate for their Brahmanicignorance. It is interesting to indicate that thisdomesticpracticewhichwasonceimposedonHinduwomenisnowpartly relegated to thepriest so that theycanvoice theiregalitarianclaims.Asamatteroffact,thesongspertainingtothisfaststipulatethatmarriedwomenarenotallowedto do any housework on that occasion. Likewise, using

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reinterpreting the Fast For the LongeVitY oF the husBand: a Case studY oF women’s agenCY in a hindu tempLe in montreaL

“extendedfamily” is less inclusiveas it is limitedtotheirclose-knitted network of friends that was formed upontheirarrivalinQuebec.

Fromanintergenerationalperspective,itappearsthattwo-thirdsofthesecondgenerationsfromUttarPradeshwho are married observe this fast, which takes place,accordingtotheiravailability,eitheratthepublictempleorintheirdomesticspheres.Thisbeingsaid,oneofthemunderlines the importance of the domestic sphere as itbecomesaplacewherebothspousescanexchangegiftsandjointly conduct this ritual for amutual longevity.Unliketheir parents, the observance of Karva Chauth does notshow a desire to connectwith a reconstituted “extendedfamily,” but to celebrate the union of the couple in anegalitarianway.So to speak, theyappear to easilymergetheirfamilytraditionswiththevaluesofthehostsocietywhich is more concerned with the notion of the couplethanitiswiththefamilyunit.

Half of my sub-sample of first generations fromGujarat and South India do not conduct this fast eitherby family tradition, egalitarian convictionor formedicalreasons. To illustrate this point, here is the example ofone female devotee from Gujarat who considers herselfand her husband to be equally part of a transcendentalGod (Brahman). It is clear that shehasbeen inspiredbythe Vedanta school of thought since she believes thatregardless of one’s gender each individual soul (Atman) ispartofatranscendentalGod(Brahman).Assheevokesthe immortalityofhersoulandthatofherhusband,shechallenges the androcentric meaning of this fast whichsuggeststhatthesalvationofawifeislessimportantthanthatofahusband.

Bycontrast, theotherhalfofthissub-sampleunani-mously observes this fast within the private sphere,considering that the ceremony which takes place at thepublictemplecelebratesaregionalnormativelyfromUttarPradesh.As stated by one respondent from South India,it iswithgreatpleasure that shevisitsher friend’shousetocelebratethisfastasitgathersareconstitutedsororityfrom South India. They mutually tie a bracelet aroundtheirwristslikeareconstitutedsororitywhichreaffirmsitsintra-groupunitysince thecustomrequires that they tiethisbraceletaroundthewristoftheirhusbands.

Inregardtothemeaningassignedtothisfast,thefirstgenerations from South India and Uttar Pradeshmostlydeclaretowishforthe“well-being”oftheirhusbands,theirchildren, their parents and their own. Although thosefromGujaratandtoa lesserextent fromSouthIndiaarestrugglingwithanegalitarianpracticeintheirrelationship,such a liberal reinterpretation allows a subjectivelyexperiencedagency.ThisisthecaseofonerespondentfromGujaratwhoexpresslymentionedthatshekeepsonfasting

Among the second-generations from Uttar Pradeshwho are married, it is interesting to note that theypredominantlyretainthepracticeofKarva Chauthandjoininhalfofthecasestheirmothers-in-lawatthepublicplaceofworship.Inotherwords,thisstrengthensthebondstheyhaveestablishedwiththeirmothers-in-lawandhelpsthembuildthefoundationsofan“extendedfamily”whoseunityiscelebratedthroughthisritual.Furthermore,asignificantnumberofthemmakesuretheyconductthisfastalsoasacoupleintheprivatesphere,byobservingamoderatedietandexchanginggiftsasasignofmutualrespect.

In fact, one first-generation respondent from UttarPradesh stated that what genuinely matters is not torestrainfromfood,buttotakethetimetoponderoverthesignificance of this fast. As suggested by Vatz Laaroussi(2007),immigrantsgenerallyreadjusttheirfamilypracticesthroughtheirprocessofacculturationandthis“flexibility”fosters the integrationof thesecondgenerations for theycan adapt their own beliefs to a constantly changing double symbolic referent. In concrete terms, such“flexibility”enabledthemarriedsecond-generationsfromUttar Pradesh to deliberately accommodate their foodrestrictionssincemostofthemeatavegetarianmealthatmerelyexcludesmeat.

the home shrine: a source of re-interPretation

At the expense of the public temple, two-thirds ofthe first generations fromUttar Pradesh prefer to carryout this fast within their domestic spheres. As reportedby Michaelson (1987), they not only invest the “privatesphere” of their home shrines by conducting religiousceremonies, but also its “public sphere” by inviting theirfriendstoparticipateinthem.OnerespondentfromUttarPradeshargues thathomeshrinesallowforapan-Indianclaim as the region-based stories thatwere initially readon Karva Chauthwerespecifictotheirregionsoforigin:UttarPradeshandPunjab.Asaresult,homeshrinesgatherthemembersof a reconstituted “extended family”whoseregional traditions constitute a “flexible” experientialframework,foritshowshowtonegotiateregionaldiversity.

Over the years, this domestic practice has evolved,since they now retain only one regional-based story ofKarva Chauth and allowmore time for their egalitarianaspirationsby reciting songs in vernacular languages. Soin a way, they challenge the Brahmanic prescriptions ofthe“greattradition”ofHinduismastheyresorttoits“littletradition” and claim for an equal share of the domesticchores.Althoughthepublictemplesupportsallthechores,some respondents prefer to observe this ritual in theirprivatesphere for itgathersa less inclusivereconstituted“extended family.” In other words, this reconstituted

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reFerenCes

Betbeder Lauque, A.-L. [2012] Agentivité des femmes hindoues immigrées au Québec et transmission intergénérationnelle.UniversitéduQuébecàMontréal.

Butler, J. [2005] Trouble dans le genre: pour un féminisme de la subversion.Paris,ÉditionslaDécouverte.

Butler, J. [1997] The Psychic Life of Power: Theories in Subjection. Stanford university Press.

Ghosh, R. [1981] AMinority within a Minority in Kurian G. andGhoshR.Women in the Family and the Economy: An International Comparative SurveyGreenwoodPress.

LéviStrauss,C.[1983]Le regard éloigné.Paris,Plon.

Mackenzie Pearson, A. [1996] Because it gives me Peace of Mind: Ritual Fasts in the Religious Lives of Hindu Women.State University of New York Press.

McGee,M.[1992]Desiredfruits:MotiveandIntentionintheVotiveRitesofHinduWomeninLeslieJ.Roles and Rituals for Hindu Women.MotilalBanarsidass.

Michaelson, M. [1987] Domestic Hinduism in a Gujarati TradingCasteinBurghartR.Hinduism in Great Britain: the Perpetuation of Religion in an Alien Cultural Milieu.Routledge.

Rayaprol, A. [1997] Negotiating identities: women in the Indian Diaspora.Oxford University Press.

Robinson,S.[1985]HinduParadigmsofWomen:ImagesandValuesinHaddadY.Women, Religion and Social Change.StateUniversityofNew York Press.

VatzLaaroussi,M.[2007]Lesrelationsintergénérationnelles,vecteursdetransmissionetderésilienceauseindes familles immigrantesetréfugiéesauQuébecinEnfances, Familles, Générations,6:1-15.

againsttheadviceofherhusbandasshewishesforherownlongevity.Finally,noneofthemarriedsecond-generationsfrommysub-samplesofSouthIndiaandGujaratseemtoobservethisfastasitisforeigntotheirfamilytraditions.

conclusionThis essay unveils the agency of my respondents

in the public and private spheres as they challenge theandrocentriccontentofthisfasttoredefinetheirreligiousidentity on egalitarian grounds. At the public temple,women are unquestionably the ones conducting the fastcelebrationwhileconfiguringtheirownaltarandsingingegalitariansongsfromthe“littletradition.”Intheprivatesphere, those songs which claim for an equal share ofthedomesticchorescanberecited invariousvernacularlanguages, which attest for egalitarian and pan-Indianclaims. Even though the second generations are equallywilling to celebrate this fast in the domestic sphere orat the public temple, their elders like to socialize withthemembersof a reconstituted “extended family” in thepublictemple.Finally,itseemsthatbothfirstandsecondgenerations re-interpret the meaning of this fast onegalitariangroundsthatareforthewell-beingofthefamilyandadopta“flexible”diet.

reinterPreter le jeune Pour la longevite du mari: l’agentivite des femmes dans un temPle hindou À montrÉal

Cetarticleportesurl’agentivitéfémininehindoueà l’égard du religieux et de la conception du rôle dela femme d’origine indienne en contexte migratoire,c’est-à-dire à Montréal. J’entends analyser si les fem-mes immigrantes hindoues de première générationtransmettentàleursfillesl’idéaldurôletraditionneldel’épouseexemplaire(pativrata)parlapratiquedujeûnepourlalongévitédumari,quecesoitauseindestemplespublicsouprivés.Le lienentre la représentationde lafemme hindoue projetée dans le rituel et l’évolutionde cette même représentation retiennent donc monattention,etce,dansuneviséeintergénérationnelle.Àcetitre,maquestionderechercheseposeencestermes:est-cequelesfemmeshindouesdepremièregénérationreproduisent l’idéologie de l’épouse exemplaire ou

introduisent-elles une réinterprétation de cettemêmeidéologie selon des valeurs plus libérales, incluantl’égalitédesfemmesetdeshommes?

D’unpointdevueméthodologique,lesrésultatsdecette étude portent sur une observation participantedontladuréeestdecinqannées,etlaréalisationdequa-rante entrevues semi-directives avec des répondantes de première et de deuxième génération aux origines(UttarPradesh,Gujaratetsuddel’Inde)etsectesvariées.Jetiensàpréciserquecetravaildeterrainaeulieudansl’enceinte d’un temple hindoumontréalais qui a pourparticularitéderecevoirdesfidèlesauxappartenancesrégionales (UttarPradesh,Gujaratet sudde l’Inde)etauxaffiliationssectairesvariées.Néanmoins,lesfidèlesenprovenancedel’UttarPradeshsontmajoritairesdanscelieudeculteetlacérémoniedujeûnequiyestofficiéerelève d’une normativité régionale de l’Uttar PradeshappeléeKarva Chauth.

anne-Laure BetBeder Lauque

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Plusieurs auteurs se sont posé la question de savoir si l’observance de ces jeûnes vise une repro-duction stricteouune réinterprétationdespréceptesbrahmaniques demanière égalitariste. Pour certainsauteurs,lesfemmeshindouessontlibresdequestionnerlaviséematérielledesjeûnesqu’ellesobserventenvued’atteindre,parexemple,l’étatdelibérationspirituelle(moksha).Pourd’autres ayant travaillé sur le terrain,la pratique des jeûnes par les répondantes offriraitune panoplie de significations qui se situent sur uncontinuum allant de la reproduction matérielle à lalibérationspirituelle,quoiquecettedernièreintentionsoitlargementminoritaire.

À la lumière de ces données, il convient de sedemandersil’observancedesjeûnesoffriraitlapossibilitéd’uneréinterprétationreligieuseentermeségalitaristescomme en témoigne l’état de libération spirituelle.L’agentivité féminine qui est le concept théoriqueangulaire de cet article suppose une «réflexivité» dusujetfemmevis-à-visdestraditionspatriarcalesenvuederedéfinirsonidentité.Loindemelimiteràl’analysedelaviséedujeûnepourlalongévitédel’époux,j’entendsm’attarderauxlieuxdeleurdéroulement,auxdivinitésvénérées, aux textes et languesutilisés, aux choixdesofficiants,auxmodesdesocialisationqu’ilsentraînentetaurapportàl’alimentation.

Concrètement, cet articlemet enexergue l'agen-tivitédontfontpreuvemesrépondantesdepremièreetdesecondegénérationslorsdujeûnepourlalongévitédel’épouxtantdanslessphèrespubliquequedomestique.Danslelieudeculteobservé,illeurrevientd’officierlacérémoniedu jeûneen improvisant leurpropreautelet de réinterpréterouvertement sa visée en stipulantqueleurlongévitédoitêtreassuréeaumêmetitrequecelledeleursépoux.Lechoixdulieudecélébrationetla réinterprétation de la viséematérielle de ce jeûneviennent contrer les prescriptions brahmaniques,selon lesquelles les femmes doivent observer cettepratiquedomestiqueafinderépondreàl’idéologiedel’épouseexemplaire.

Au Canada, certains auteurs ont constaté queles rapports conjugaux au sein de la communautéindienne ne sauraient être pleinement équitables, ce

qui légitime la nature égalitariste des revendicationsémisesparmesrépondantes.Lapreuveétant,leschantsdévotionnelsqu’ellesrécitentautemplepublicontuneteneur égalitariste en ce sens où elles font vœud’unerépartition équitable des tâchesménagères au sein dela sphère domestique.De plus, le recours à la «petitetradition» de l’hindouisme par l’entremise de chantsdévotionnels récités en langues vernaculaires faitmontred’unerevendicationfémininepan-indiennequisouhaite s’affranchir des prescriptions brahmaniquesprésentesdansla«grandetradition».

Bien que ce soit principalement les répondantesoriginairesdel’UttarPradeshetduPenjabquiassistentàcettecérémoniepublique,leursconsœursduGujaratet du sud de l’Inde perpétuent cette pratique dansleurslogis.Auseindelasphèredomestique,unemêmetendance est observée étant donné que ces dernièresofficientelles-mêmeslacélébrationdujeûneetrécitentdeschantsdévotionnelsauxtenantségalitaristes,dansune ou plusieurs langues vernaculaires. Tant dans lestemples publics que privés, cette cérémonie sert deprétexteàlasocialisationintra-féminineetvientpallieràl’absenced’unefamilleélargiepuisqu’elleséchangentdes cadeaux qui, traditionnellement, devraient êtreoffertsàleursbelles-mèresrespectives.

Finalement, il apparaît que la visée égalitaristeaccordéeaujeûnepourlalongévitédumarisembleavoirdesrépercussionsàl’égarddesrestrictionsalimentairesadoptées par les premières générations qui ont unedémarchemodérée.Pourainsidire,celles-cis’accordentà véhiculer une pratique libérale de ce jeûne; leurs fillesne sontpas forcéesd’y adhérerune foismariées et peuvent librement adapter leurs régimes alimen-taires. Une telle «flexibilité» en matière de trans-missionintergénérationnellepermettraitauxsecondesgénérations de rendre intelligibles leurs pratiquesfamiliales et de les adapter à leur propre système devaleurs.Unedoubletendanceestdoncobservablechezlessecondesgénérationsquiaccompagnentleursbelles-mères au temple public dans l’optique de construirelesfondationsd’unefamilleélargieouretrouventleursmarisdanslasphèreprivéepouryéchangerdescadeauxensignederespectmutuel.

reinterpreting the Fast For the LongeVitY oF the husBand: a Case studY oF women’s agenCY in a hindu tempLe in montreaL

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studying traditional healing among religious minorities in india: the PersPective of a graduate student from quebecÉmilie Parent, Ph.D. Candidate, Department of Anthropology, Université de Montréal.

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introductionIf we were to circle the globe to study and identify

everyculturalpracticerelated tohealthanddiseases,wewould find an indefinite number of them. But in givengroups, these practicesmay form a coherentwhole, thatwe would call a medical system. Even people connectedclosely by geography, culture or history can boast quitedifferent medical systems. Certain of these systems arecategorizedastraditional,generallymeaningthattheyarebasedonlocalknowledgeandpracticesandareoutsidetheboundariesofbiomedicine.

We must point out here that traditional is a contentious term. Like Kirmayer (2009) explains: “It is important to recognize that tradition itself is both received and invented: built in equal measure of wisdom transmitted across the generations and of creative visions of how the many strands of knowledge available today from diverse cultures of the world can be woven together in new patterns.” Human creativity is expressed in thereconstructionofthepastandthepresent,andonlysuchafactwouldbeenoughtounderstandwhy:“…notions of whole and pure traditions have not had much credibility for some time…” (Ghassem-Fachandi 2011).The conceptoftraditioncanthenbemanipulatedbothbythebearersofthesetraditionsandbythesubjugatingpowersinplace,andmustthenbetreatedcarefully.

Healingisalsoacontroversialterm.Sufficetosaythatforthepresentarticlehealingwillbeconsideredasaholisticprocess,whichmayincludephysical,mentalandspiritualelements. Traditional healing is then a controversialtopic in itself, but is a useful category for apprehendingdifferences between the world of local healing and theworldofglobalized/homogenizedbiomedicalhealing.

In the following pages, we will look briefly at thelandscape of healing and especially traditional healingin India, before exploring the notion of boundaries in

the Indian religious diversity and its different aspectsof traditional healing. Finally, we will explain why, fora Quebec graduate student, it is quite interesting tostudy traditionalmedicine in India in general andmorespecificallyamongminorities.

healing in indiaIn Indian society, healing takes many shapes and

colors.Incomparisontobiomedicalpractices,traditionalIndian practices are deeply infused with holistic andspiritual elements. What is exceptional in India is theinstitutionalisationandgovernment support towhat canbe considered widespread traditional medicines, suchas ayurveda, unanimedicine, and siddhamedicine. “The three Indian systems of medicine—Ayurveda, Unani, and Siddha—have, since India’s Independence (1947), been receiving considerable encouragement by both the central and state governments”(Dawar2008).

If traditional healing among religious or ethnicmajorities in India is going strong, evolving in paralleland even competing with biomedicine, fewer enquirieshave been made about the state of traditional healingamong marginalized people in India. We could startby asking: is there such a thing as traditional healingamongtribalpeopleofIndia?First,wemustunderstandwhothetribalpeopleof Indiaare.ForChaube:“Tribals in India, as elsewhere, are not a homogeneous group. The 'tribe' in fact, is not even defined properly. In India they are an administrative category. The British, until March 31st, 1937, categorised them as 'backward classes'. It was under the Government of India Act, 1935, that they were first scheduled as tribes, a practice that was retained in independent India”(Chaube1999).

Langford (Langford 2003), while doing fieldworkamong the Jaunty tribe of a central India state,demonstrated that healers themselves didn’t categorize

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boundaries in religion, boundaries in healingBarthdefinesboundariesas:“a particular conceptual

construct that people sometimes impress on the world” (Barth2000).Since traditionalhealing in India iscloselylinkedtospirituality,wecanstartby lookingatreligiousboundaries in this country.This is a life-time subject tostudy, since boundaries are not fixed and are constantlyrenegotiated through space and time. But we can lookbrieflyattheevolutionofthereligiousboundariesinIndiafrom colonial times until now, so from the start of theBritishcolonialperiodinIndiatothepresent.

Formany,boundariesbetweenreligiouscommunitiesin India are a colonial product. For many authors,Britishcolonisationhadforeffecttofavourtheriseofa communal identity among groups that didn’t identifythemselves as Hindus or Muslims before. For Khan(Khan2004):“Whenever alliances were considered to be profitable, as for the example in the case of Rajputs and Mughals, inter-caste marriages were not banned. […] Actually Rajput rulers considered that they belonged to the same Jati as the Mughal.”

AccordingtoKhan(2004),manyreligiousmastersofthe17thand18thcenturywerebothMuslimsandHindusintheirapproachand:“Foreigners were the first to use the word Hindu.” Others attribute this fencing of religiousidentities in India to the first census accomplish by theBritish in India, in 1871. By trying to categorize peopleaccording to European conceptions of religion and race,theBritishcolonialhelpedinshapingtheideaofMuslimsand Hindus as constituting two separate communities.Thiswas also accompanied by an uplifting of themoralbehaviors between the natives and the colonizers. Forcenturies,mixingbetweenthetwopopulationsgaverisetoanumberofAngloIndiansthatformtheeliteoftheIndiansocietyofthattime.“16-17th century colonialists were less prone than their 19th century counterpart to draw cultural boundaries” (Caplan 1995). So at the same time thosereligious boundaries were strengthened between groups,ethnicboundarieswerealsoerected.Thisisnottosaythatcommunalidentitiesareonlyaproductofthecolonialera,butthatitdidplayaroleintheemergenceofstrongethnicand religious affiliations in India.Colonial rulewas alsoinfluentialintheriseofreformistmovementsamongbothHindusandMuslims.

The Arya Samaj, a reformist movement planningto raise the status ofHinduism in the eyes of foreignersby making it more European-like, was the precursormovement to theHindu nationalistmovement. But still,andinterestinglyenough,religiousboundariesmaynotbeassolidastheymayseem.Bellamy(Bellamy2011)studieda Muslim shrine in Kerala where liminal and changing

theirhealing techniquesas traditionalandasan identitymarker. Faced with religious and therapeutic bricolage,shereconsiderstheexistenceoftheconceptoftraditionalmedicineandfolkmedicinebyusinganemicperspective(meaning she is trying to see this situation through theeyes of her informant). This emic perspective allows ustoputinperspectivewhathassometimesbeenperceivedas two fixed categories, modernity and tradition. Thisshows the creativity of humans, and how categories andboundariesarefluidandsometimesevennon-existent.Inthis perspective,we can agreewithLangford that in thestudiedcontextthecategoryoftraditionalhealingmaynotbeusedbyanthropologists,becauseitdoesnotreflecttherealityofthepeoplestudied.Butsinceweacknowledgethelinksbetweenspiritualityandhealinginmanyindigenouscommunities,denyingtheexistenceoftraditionalhealingpractices among these cultures would be denying theirspiritualways.This is particularlyworrisome inparts ofIndia where indigenous animistic people are corneredinto conversion by Christian missionaries and Hindunationalisticelements.Butotherstudiesalsorevealedthepowerful link between Christianity and the awakeningof indigenous identity quest, particularly in the North-eastof India. “The British conquered the Naga Hills, and for the first time introduced modern administrative and political institutions, a modern system of education, and Christianity. The emergence of a common Naga identity was largely an unintended consequence of these measures” (Pandey2011).Christianity,insteadofbecomingtheculpritofthelossofidentity,becomesanidentificationfactorformostNagacommunitiesandaboundary-makerbetweentheHindumajorityofIndiaandNagaland.

However, other reactions are also possible. InArunachalPradesh,conversionpressureswerealsobehinda resurgence of the traditional. Many tribes of the AdilanguagegroupsharesomelooselyconnectedbeliefsaboutDonyi-Polo (moonandsun),adualgod. In theseventies,missionary activities were considered dangerous to thecultural survivalof the tribalpeopleof the state.OneoftheinitiativestocounterthespreadofChristianitywastoerect theDonyi-Polo traditions as an organized religion.Temples were built, where people could go to worship.Sacredbookswerewrittenandprinted.Organizationswerefounded.Itisunclearintheliteraturecurrentlyavailableifthiswasareallysuccessfulendeavour.

Theeffectsofspiritualityandreligiononhealingamongtribal and minority people in India is quite clear. Joshi(2008)clearlydemonstratesthatamongtheNaga,despitetheir mass conversion to Christianity, the therapeuticquest includesChristianized steps (meetingwithpriests,churchmeetings)butalsotraditionalsteps(exorcisms).

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studying traditional healing in indiaStudying traditional healing in India for a Quebec

graduatestudentisquiteinterestingformanyreasons.AsIhaveshown,thetraditionalhealingsystemsinIndiaarecomplexandfascinating.Evenifwehaveonlyskimmedthesurface of this vast topic, we can see that this universe is extremelyrich,bothinthenumberofhealthalternativesavailable (due to fluid healing boundaries) and by theremarkablenumberofchoicesthatpeoplemakeinaperiodofcrisis.

Traditional medicine exists both in India and inQuebec.InQuebec,traditionalmedicinecanbeclassifiedinthreecategories:thetraditionsoftheFirstNations,thetraditionsimportedbythefirstEuropeansonthecontinent,and the recently introduced traditional medicines fromotherpartsoftheworld.ThetraditionsoftheFirstNationsare currently going through a re-awakening phase, withmanycommunitiesfindingtheirwaybacktoshamanisticpractices.ThepopularityofthesetraditionsisalsoontheriseamongtheQuebecersofEuropeandescent.TraditionsfromAsia,likeReikiandAcupuncture,arealsosurfingonawaveofpopularity.ButthefutureofthehealingtraditionsthatwereimportedduringtheEuropeancolonisation(suchasbonesettingandherbalhealing) isnot thatcertain. Infact,themajordifferencebetweenthetwocontextsistheplace traditional healing techniques occupies in people’stherapeuticchoices.Asshownbymanyauthors,traditionalhealinginIndiaisstillaviableoptionformany.Peoplewillgo from one therapeutic solution to another, until theirproblem is fixed or they found solace to their suffering.InQuebec,traditionalhealinghasbeenlosinggroundforcenturies, andwhat remains of it ismainly hidden fromgeneralmediaandscholarlyattention.

However, during fieldwork in Saguenay Lac-St-Jean,a northern region of Quebec, we discovered that it isstill widely present but remains quietly in the shadowsin order to avoid any confrontation with the Quebecmedicalboard.IndianandQuebectraditionalhealersandtheir patients have then a very different experiencewithmodernity.Modernity in Indiahas allowed a continuumbetween the past and the present. There appears to bealmost a syncretism between what has been broughtwith modernity and the Indian traditions. Generally intheprovinceofQuebec, traditionalhealers seemtohavegone underground and for themost part are consideredasfrauds.Thissaid,traditionalhealinginregionsliketheSaguenay-Lac-St-Jeanstillsubsists.

identities were strongly expressed by somewomen; theywould still consider themselves as Hindus, but wouldeitherstudyArabicorweartheMuslimheadscarftobetterfitamongthemassofpelerines.Healingplaces,suchastheMuslimshrinesinthatlastcase,areameetingplaceforthevariousreligioustraditionsofSoutheastIndia.Muslims,Hindus and Christians visit these shrines in search ofphysical,mentalorspiritualhealing.Forsome,thisistheproof that religions in India are syncretic,meaning theyabsorb elements from each other. They also argue thatreligionsinIndiaarelesssyncreticandtolerantthattheyusedtobe.“The rise of fundamentalism in recent years in India has obliterated the deep rooted syncretism in Indian culture” (Burman1996).Infact,whatareoftenperceivedas manifestations of syncretism and tolerance are twoimportant facts of Indian religious life: pilgrimages andfestivals.TheseMuslimshrinesareoftenalsopilgrimagedestinations,whereMuslimsandHindusgo.

Even ifwe have to bemindful of themultiplicity offactors behind the building of boundaries, we can thenconclude that religious boundaries are in fact in part ahistorical and social construction. But even in times ofcommunaltensiontheyarenotassolidastheyseem.Theymay seem solid in the eyes of religious authorities andbystanders,butatthepopularlevel,pragmatismstillwinstheday.

boundaries and traditional healingTraditionalhealingamongscheduled tribes in India,

particularly in theNortheast region,hasbeen theobjectof ethno-botanic and folkloric studies, but very little ofanthropological studies. So we know very little abouttribal healing traditions outside the botanical aspects inthispartofthecountry.Whataboutboundariesbetweenreligiousandhealingworldsoftribalminoritiesandthoseof the other groups in India? Like we have seen before,traditionsmaybeinpartasocialconstruction,butinfacthavethepotentialtobecomepowerfulidentitysymbols.Inthat sense, traditionalhealingcanbeusedasan identityvalorisation tool. But the introduction of biomedicalclinics and products may threaten traditional healingtechniques,notonlybyprovidingotheroptions for cureseekers,butalsobycuttingthetiesbetweenthespiritualand thehealingworlds. In that respect, cultural changesbroughtaboutbyconversionandeducationmaypromotere-inventedculturalidiomsthathaveverylittletodowiththepast.

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Caplan, L. [1995] “Creole World, Purist Rhetoric: Anglo-IndianCulturalDebatesinColonialandContemporaryMadras.”Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute,1(4):743-762.

Chaube,S.K.[1999]“TheScheduledTribesandChristianityinIndia.”EconomicandPoliticalWeekly,34(9):524-526.

Dawar [2008] Politics of Religious Identities in Arunachal Pradeshsincethe1950s:ACaseStudyoftheTaniGroupofTribes.Politicalroles of religious communities in India: papers from a conferenceorganizedbytheInstituteforSecurityandDevelopmentPolicy(ISDP)and the Maulana Abul Kalam Azad Institute of Asian Studies(MAKAIAS)inKolkata,India,January16-17th,2008.

Kolkata,InstituteforSecurityandDevelopmentPolicy.

Ghassem-Fachandi,P.[2011]ReligiousSynthesisataMuslimShrine.A Companion to the Anthropology of India. I. Clark-Decès and C.Guilmoto.Malden,MA,Wiley-Blackwell.

Khan, D.-S. [2004] Crossing the threshold: understanding religiousidentitiesinSouthAsia.London;NewYork,I.B.Tauris.

Langford, J. M. [2003] “Traces of folk medicine in Jaunpur.” Culturalanthropology:Journal of the Society for Cultural Anthropology.

Pandey,S.K.[2011]PoliticsofBelonging:IdentityandState-formationin Nagaland. The politics of belonging in the Himalayas localattachments and boundary dynamics. J. Pfaff-Czarnecka and G.Toffin.NewDelhi;ThousandOak,SAGE.

Duetolackofinformation,wedon’tknowiftraditionalhealing among tribal minorities in India’s North East isas alive asUnani andAyurvedichealing.Havingalreadystudied healing at the margins in Quebec, it will bequite interesting to see how traditional healing is bothpracticedandusedinanotherminoritysetting.Ofcourse,French-speaking Quebecers are not a minority in theirownprovince.But these traditions, of Frenchorigin, arecertainlyuniqueinNorthAmerica,asarethoseoftribalpeopleinIndia.

reFerenCes

Barth, F. [2000] Boundaries and connections. Signifying identitiesanthropological perspectives on boundaries and contested values. A.P.Cohen.London;NewYork,Routledge.

Bellamy,C. [2011]Thepowerful ephemeral: everydayhealing inanambiguouslyIslamicplace.Berkeley,University of California Press.

Bouchard, G. & C. Taylor [2008] Building the future, a time forreconciliation: abridged report [Quebec, Qué.], Commission deconsultation sur les pratiques d'accomodement reliées aux diffé-rencesculturelles.

Burman, J. J. R. [1996] “Hindu-Muslim Syncretism in India.” EconomicandPoliticalWeekly,31(20):1211-1215.

la guÉrison traditionnelle chez les minoritÉs religieuses en inde: la PersPective d'une Étudiante quÉbÉcoise

Sinousdevionsfaireletourdumondepourétudieret identifier toutes les pratiques culturelles liées à lasantéetauxmaladies,on trouveraitunnombre infinide possibilités. Mais dans des groupes donnés, cespratiques peuvent constituer un ensemble cohérent,quel'onpourraitappelerunsystèmemédical.Certainsde ces systèmes sont classés comme traditionnels,ce qui signifie généralement qu'ils sont basés sur laconnaissanceetlespratiqueslocalesetsontendehorsdeslimitesdelabiomédecine.Laguérisontraditionnelleestunsujetcontroverséensoi,maisc'estunecatégorieutilepourappréhenderlesdifférencesentrelemondedelaguérisonlocaleetlemondeglobalisé/homogénéisédelaguérisonbiomédicale.

Dans la société indienne, la guérison est diverseet colorée. Les pratiques traditionnelles indiennessont profondément imprégnées d'éléments holistiqueset spirituels. Ce qui est exceptionnel en Inde estl'institutionnalisationetlesoutiendugouvernementauxmédecinestraditionnelles,tellesquel'ayurveda,l’Unani,et la médecine siddha. Si la guérison traditionnellechez les majorités ethniques ou religieuses en Inde

est en plein essor, évoluant en parallèle et même enconcurrenceaveclabiomédecine,moinsderecherchesontétéfaitessurl'étatdelaguérisontraditionnellechezlesminoritéstribales.Nouspourrionscommencerpardemander: y a-t-il une telle chose comme la guérisontraditionnelleparmilespopulationstribalesdel'Inde?Langford(2003),lorsdesontravaildeterrainauseindelatribuJauntyd'unétatdel'Indecentrale,adémontréque les guérisseurs eux-mêmes ne classent pas leurstechniquesdeguérisondanslescatégoriesdivergentesdetraditionnellesetmodernes.Letraditionneln’estpasunmarqueuridentitaireetdoncl’existencemêmed’uneguérison traditionnelle authentique parmi les tribusindiennesestremiseenquestion.

Mais puisque nous reconnaissons les liens entre la spiritualité et la guérison dans de nombreusescommunautésautochtones,nierl'existencedepratiquesdeguérisontraditionnellesauseindecesculturesseraitnié l’existence de leur spécificité spirituelle. Cela estparticulièrement inquiétant dans certaines régions del'Indeoùlesanimistessontcoincésentrelespressionsdesmissionnaireschrétiensetlesélémentsnationalistes,hindousouautres.Maisd'autresétudesontégalementrévélélelienpuissantentrelechristianismeetl'éveildel'identitéautochtone,enparticulierdansleNord-estdel'Inde.LesBritanniquesontconquislescollinesNaga,et

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pourlapremièrefoisintroduitdemodernesinstitutionsadministratives et politiques, un système d'éducationmoderneetlechristianisme.L'émergenced'uneidentitécommuneNagaétaitengrandepartieuneconséquenceinvolontairedecesmesures.Lechristianismen’estdoncpas dans ce contexte considéré comme responsablede la perte identitaire,mais devient plutôt un facteuridentitaireetunpointderalliementpourlaplupartdescommunautésNaga.

LamédecinetraditionnelleexisteàlafoisenIndeet auQuébec. AuQuébec, lamédecine traditionnellepeut être classée en trois catégories: les traditions des Premières nations, les traditions importéespar les premiers Européens sur le continent, et lesmédecines récemment introduites et provenantd'autrespartiesdumonde.LestraditionsdesPremièresnations sont actuellement dans une phase de réveil.La popularité de ces traditions est également à lahausse chez les Québécois d'origine européenne. Lestraditionsasiatiques,commeleReikiet l'acupuncture,connaissentaussiunevaguedepopularité.Maisl'avenirdes traditions de guérison importées au cours de lacolonisation européenne (par exemple, le bonesettinget l’herboristerie) est incertain. En fait, la différencemajeure entre les deux contextes (Inde et auQuébec)estlaplacequ’occupelaguérisontraditionnelledansleschoixthérapeutiquesdesgens.Commel'ontmontrédenombreuxauteurs, lamédecine traditionnelle en Indeesttoujoursuneoptionviablepourbeaucoupdegens.Les gens se promènent d'une solution thérapeutiqueà l'autre, jusqu'à ce que leur problème soit résolu ouqu’ilsaienttrouvéunréconfortàleurssouffrances.AuQuébec, lamédecinetraditionnelleaperduduterraindepuisdessiècles,etcequ'ilenresteestprincipalementcachédesmédiasetdel'attentionscientifique.

LeQuébecet l'Indeontencommuncependant laconquête et la colonisation par l'Empire britannique.Cette colonisation a rapidement mis un terme à lapratique libre des ramancheurs (bonesetters) et dessages-femmes. Les ramancheurs sont ceux qui furentles plus ciblés par lesmesures visant à restreindre lapratique de lamédecine à des professionnels certifiéspar le collège des Médecins. Ainsi, depuis le milieudu 20e siècle, les ramancheurs, qui sont fortement présentsdanslesétudesfolkloriques,ontdisparudelavuedupublic.

Cependant,aucoursd’unerechercheauSaguenayLac-St-Jean,unerégiondunordduQuébec,nousavonsdécouvert qu'ils sont encore largement présents,maisrestenttranquillementdansl'ombre,afind'évitertouteconfrontationavecleCollègedesmédecinsduQuébec.LesguérisseurstraditionnelsindiensetceuxduQuébecetleurspatientsontalorsuneexpériencetrèsdifférentede la modernité. La modernité en Inde a permis uncontinuum entre le passé et le présent. Il semble yavoireuunsyncrétismeentrecequiaétéapportéàlamodernitéet lestraditions.Engénéral,auQuébec, lesguérisseurstraditionnelssemblentavoirdisparusdelaviepublique.Celadit,laguérisontraditionnellesubsisteencoreauSaguenay-Lac-St-Jean.

En raison du manque d'information, nous nesavons pas si la guérison traditionnelle chez lesminorités tribales de l'Inde du Nord-est est aussivivante que les autres médecines traditionnelles,tellesque l’Unani et l’Âyurveda.Ayantdéjà étudié laguérison alternative au Québec, il sera très intéres-sant d’étudier comment la guérison traditionnelle est à la fois pratiquée et utilisée dans un autre con-texteminoritaire. Bien sûr, les Québécois de languefrançaise ne sont pas uneminorité dans leur propreprovince.Maiscestraditions,d’originefrançaise,sontcertainementuniquesenAmériqueduNord,commelesontcellesdespopulationstribalesenInde.

part 3The role of education and of the media

in building an inclusive society

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balancing diversity and common socialization: comParing educational debates in india and quebecmarie mc andrew, Professor, Department of Educational Administration and Foundations, and Chair holder, Canada Research Chair on Education and Ethnic Relations, Université de Montréal.

najma akhtar, Professor and Head, Department of Training and Capacity Building in Education, National University of Educational Planning and Administration, New Delhi.

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introductionGivenitsintensityanduniversality,schoolingplaysa

majorroleintheproductionandtheredefinitionofethnicboundariesandculturalmarkers.Inthisregard,therearemanytensionsbetweenandwithintwocentralmandatescarriedoutbyschoolsystemsinmodernpluralisticsocieties:the linguistic and cultural reproduction ofmajority andminority communities, and the common but pluralisticsocialization of all students. Thus, everywhere debatesthrive on the curriculum and structural arrangementsmost susceptible toproducing thekindofcitizens–andcitizenship–deemedfavourablebydifferentsegmentsofsociety(McAndrew,2003).

In this article we compare three controversies that have touched India and Quebec in the past ten yearsregarding the teaching of history, values and religiouseducation, and the legitimacy of separate minorityinstitutions. Our objective is to explore the lessonsthat both societies can learn from one another on themanagementofdiversityineducation.

history teaching: Whose memory? for Which PurPose?

Inboth societies, themostvisibledebate focusedontheteachingofhistoryinsecondaryschools,withregardto the definition of what should be taught as “nationalhistory” and the purposes of such a curriculum in apluralisticcountry.Traditionally,inIndia,textbookshavebeeninfluencedbysuccessiveCongressPartygovernmentswhich put forward a non-communal, multicultural,althoughrathervagueviewofnationalhistory.However,from2000to2005,withtherisetopoweroftheBJPandthelaterreturnoftheCongress,studentswereexposedtothreesuccessive,largely“singlenarrative”curriculawhere

the centrality of majority community components andtheplaceofminorities innational identityvariedgreatly.The same was true for the more or less nationalisticinterpretationofvarioushistoricalevents(NCERT2005).Atthesametime,expertsaccusedeachotheroftheworstsins in national newspapers, as well as on many otherforums.These spectacular swings were often done withlittle regard for teachers and students, who were largelyexpectedtopassivelyadapttothesecontradictionswithoutmuchquestioning.

Morerecently,agreatersensibilitytothatissueamongcurriculumdevelopershasbroughtabouttheintroductionofamulti-perspectiveandmoreactiveapproachtohistoryteachingthroughtheexposureofstudents todocumentsreflecting competing visions (NCERT, 2005). But thisevolution has also generated some resistance, especiallyaround historical political cartoons deemed offensive byvariousgroups(Roy,2012).

InQuebec, ever since education reforms at the endof the 1990s, constructivism stressing the developmentof skills and critical thinking, as well as the activeinvolvement of students in the learning process, hasbeen the dominant paradigm in the whole program(MEQ,1997).ButwhentheseprincipleswereappliedtoQuebec’shighschoolhistorycurriculumin2005,amajorcontroversy erupted (Mc Andrew, 2012). A perceivedobliteration of the traditional Francophone “resistance”narrative,agreaterspacedevotedtonativeandimmigrantcontributions, and an emphasis put on the masteryof historical methods by students were denounced bymany nationalist intellectuals and spokespersons as a“multiculturalplot.”Theassociationofhistory teachingwith citizenship education also raised concerns thatformerly contentious issues would be downplayed forthe sake of promoting the harmony of current inter-

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ethicalheritageofIndia,especiallyitsHinducomponents(NRCVE2004).Proponentsofthismovementarguedthatthe mere teaching of constitutional principles was notenoughtoinsureasenseofbelongingandacommitmenttonationalidentityamongstudents.Theyalsodenouncedasawesternconceptionofsocialcohesionstrictsecularismand the limits it sets on the transmission of religiousvalues. Meanwhile, opponents saw this Saffronization of education as an undue attempt to impose Hinduvalueson religiousminorities andas awitheringof thecommitmentoftheIndianStatetofosterthetransmissionof common secular values to all students.Over thefiveyearsofitsimplementation,theValue Education course evolved significantly from saffron to rainbow, with the developmentofmoremulti-denominationalperspectivesand teachingmaterials.Nevertheless, positionswere soentrenchedthatalmostnothingoftheapproachsurvivedthe coming back to power of the Congress Party, andthe Department of Education is now developing a newcitizenshipeducationprogram.

TheoriginsofQuebec’sReligious Ethics and Culture Program,introducedin2007,arequiteopposite(Bouchard& Taylor, 2008). It was one of the main tools to easethe transition from a denominational school system(CatholicandProtestant) toa secularone,moreadaptedto the growingmulti-religious and non-religious sectorsof Quebec society. Instead of teaching a single specificreligion,schoolswouldnowteachaboutallreligions,evenifalargerplacewouldbedevotedtonativespiritualityandJudeo-Christian beliefs.This choice was justified by thestrongerhistoricalimpactandpresentsociologicalroleofthesefaithsinQuebec,whichechoessomeofthe“realitycheck” arguments of the supporters of Value Education inIndia.Thiscompromise isconsideredbymanytobeapromising avenue between denominational education,strictsecularism(whichprecludesanyteachingofreligion)and pure multiculturalism (which advocates treatingreligioustraditionsonanequalfootingregardlessoftheircentralityinagivensociety).Nevertheless,theprogramisatthecentreofanideologicalwar.Themainthemeamongtraditionalnationalistsisidentitylosslinkedtothelesseningofreligiouspracticeandtheconsequentexpectationthatschoolsactascounterbalancing forces in this regard (orat leastdonot, forexampleby teaching thatall religionsareofequalvalue,interferewiththereligiousinfluencesofparents).Resistancealsostemsfromproponentsofastrictsecular perspectivewhowant teachings to be limited toethics.Thus,thefutureoftheprogramisuncertainwithinthecurrentcontextofpoliticaltransitioninQuebec.

While circumstances are quite different, debatesin India and Quebec clearly address similar questionsregardingthelegitimacyoffirmvaluesthatreflectaspecific

group relations. Opposition was intense enough topromptapartialretreatonthepartoftheDepartmentofEducation,whichproducedin2006arevisedversionofthecurriculum, that remained pluralistic and disciplinary,butputmoreweightonpoliticalhistoryandtraditionalelementsofFrenchCanadiancollectivememory.

Withoutdwellinghereonspecificcontentsorevents,an analysis of arguments brought forward by opposing (Mc Andrew, 2009) sides shows that many theoretical,ethical and curricular issues raised in one society havea clear resonance in the other. Common controversialquestionsinclude:• Whendoes“genuine”IndianorQuebechistorybegin

andwhendoesitend?• What criteria should be used to determine the

respective weight of various historical periods in thecurriculum?

• To what extent should the core group at the centerof the nation (i.e. respectively Hindus and FrenchCanadians) own history and decide who should beincludedornotinthecommonnarrative?

• How long does it take for groups who could beconsideredasformer colonizers (i.e.MuslimsinIndiaorAnglophonesinQuebec)tobelong?

• Shouldminoritygroupsdeveloptheirowncurriculum?If not, what control should they exercise onwhat issaidaboutthemincommontextbooks?

What is also striking in both debates is the extenttowhichmany citizens still hold a positivist conceptionof “historical truths” and a generally limited interest forpedagogicalissues.Moreover,whileinQuebecthiselementis discussed more often, until recently in India littleattentionhasbeenpaidtotheopportunitythatcompetinghistoricalnarrativesrepresentforthebuildingofhistoricalskills among students.The necessity to balance the twocompeting goals of history teaching, an instrument ofnation-building and an opportunity to develop criticalthinking among students, has also been more widelyaddressed,ifnotresolved,inQuebec.

moral and religious education: What role is there for religious and cultural values?

Therelevanceof twonewcoursesdeveloped largelyinresponsetoconcernsaboutthelossofthesenseofdutyandresponsibility,aswellasthelackofreligiouscultureamong youth has also been the focus of an importantsocialdebateinbothsocieties.InIndia,Value Education was introduced in a largely secular school system bythe BJP as a compulsory subject in 2000, promptingthe development of a wide variety of curriculum andpedagogicalmaterialreflectingthecultural,religiousand

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Quebec stands out among Canadian provinces forits rather generous fundingof religious schools, cateringtotheneedsof families fromthedominantCatholicandProtestantcommunities,aswellasfromminoritygroups(Jewish,Greekorthodox,ArmenianandMuslim).Quebecinter-culturalismshouldactuallyinclineittobelesslenienton that front than its multiculturalists’ counterparts.Nevertheless,thischoicewasmotivatedbyhistoricalandpoliticalfactors,suchastheneedtopacifyprivateCatholicschools in the 1960s, when the Quebec State took overthe responsibility of secondary education. Other factorsincludedthedesiretoincreaseeducationinFrenchwithinsome religious communities, as well as the absence of agenuinelysecularschoolsystemuntiltheendofthe1990s(Proulx, 1999). The choice is also associated with clearrequirementsthatsuchinstitutionsfollowthemainstreamcurriculumandteachculturalandreligiouscontentonlyassupplementaryactivities.AlthoughtheQuebecCharterofRightsandFreedomsallowsminorityinstitutionstoselectstudents and teachers on the basis of a specific religiousaffiliation, most of them hire a substantive number ofteacherswho do not belong to the religious community,andwouldbewillingtoadmitstudentsfromothergroupsifsuchrequestwasmade.

Nevertheless,thelegitimacyofseparateschoolingforreligiousminoritiesisarecurrentdebate,centeredaroundJewish schools who represent half of such institutions catering fora largeproportionof Jewishchildren (unlikethefewerIslamicschoolsattendedbyasmallproportionofMuslimstudents).Bothnationalistsandleftistopponentsvoice concerns regarding the religious brainwashing of students attending religious schools, a claim that is alsolargely not confirmed by research findings. The mostconvincingargumentinthisrespectisthelackofcommonsocializationbetweenchildrenofdifferentbackgrounds—oratleastbetweenmajorityandminoritychildren,astheseinstitutionsareoftenmulticultural—anditsconsequencesonthesocialintegrationofreligiousminorities.Thenewlyelected Parti Québécois proposed in its platform theabolition of public funding for such schools, renderingtheirfutureuncertain.

Althoughtherearecommonelements inthedebatesurroundingseparateminority institutions in IndiaandQuebec,differencesonthislastissueappeargreaterthanwithothertopicsdiscussedinthisarticle.First,anoverallassessmentofreligiousinstitutionsandattitudestowardsuch institutions ismuchmorepositive in India,whichreflects a stronger commitment to religious pluralism,but alsoputs less emphasis on aunited school space inthis emerging multicultural country. In that country,such schools also play a role in providing access toeducation and fighting educational inequalities among

historical trajectory to be transmitted by schools in amulticulturalandmulti-religioussociety(Bourgeaultet al., 2002).Extremeanswersareeitherunrealistic(i.e. a neutral schoolthatequallyreflectsallculturesandreligions,andtransmitsonlycivicvalues)orareethicallyunacceptable(i.e.aschoolsubjectedtothereproductionofthemajoritycommunity,attheexpenseofindividualrightsandthoseofminoritygroups).Therefore,itcomesasnosurprisethatinbothcontexts,programsseekingtostrikeanappropriatebalanceinthisregardarestillverymuchworks in progress.

minority institutions: assets or obstacles in the develoPment of a Pluralist society?

Alastissuereflectingthetensionsbetweenculturalreproduction and common forms of socializationshared by India and Quebec is the legitimacy of state- fundedminorityinstitutionsinapluralistsociety.India’sConstitution clearly supports the right of religiousminorities (mostly Muslims, Christians, and Sikhs) tocreateandmanage theirown institutions.Thatpositionislinkedtoastrongnormativecommitment,butalsotothe specific socio-political situation that existed at thetime of Independence.Moreover, some safeguardswithregardtorespectforthecommoncurriculumandaccessbystudentsandteachersofvariousbackgroundstosuchinstitutions have minimized potential contradictionswiththelargergoalofnation-buildingthroughcommonandpluralisticsocialization(GovernmentofIndia,2006).Nevertheless, minority institutions are criticized byvarioussectorsofsociety.Someminorityspokespersonsargue that this apparently successful compromise hasactuallybeenachievedattheexpenseoftheirinstitutionalcompleteness and their capacity to control the verydevelopmentoftheirschools.

Attheotherendoftheideologicalspectrum,nation-alistleadershavedenouncedthefactthattherighttosetupreligious institutions is limited tominoritiesand thatthis involves unfair treatment of the Hindu majority.Finally,secularmediaandpublicopinionhavesometimesexpressed fears that religious institutions are used tospread fundamentalism, a claim largely unsubstantiatedby research. Furthermore, India’s record for ensuringthe compatibility of structural pluralism with equalityof opportunity has not been impressive, especially withregardtotheplightofunderprivilegedminorities,suchastheMuslims.However,onthatfront,minority-controlledinstitutionsarenotdoingworsethanmainstreamschools,and interesting programs to maximize their positiveimpacthavebeenimplemented.Theseincludetheschemeforthemodernizationofmadrasahandbettermechanismstorecognizetheequivalenceofqualificationsreceivedbytheirstudents(AkhtarandNarula,2010).

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reFerenCes

Akhtar, N. & Narula, M. [2010] The role of Indian madrasahs inproviding access to mainstream education to Muslim minoritystudents: a west Bengal experience. The Education of Minority Muslim Students: Comparative Perspective. Journal of International Migration and Integration (JIMI),11(1):91-107.

Bouchard, G. & Taylor, C. [2008] Building the Future. A Time for Reconciliation. Report of the Consultation Commission onAccommodation Practices Related to Cultural Differences(CCAPRCD).Quebec.

Bourgeault, G., Gagnon, F., Mc Andrew, M. & Pagé, M. [2002]Recognition of cultural and religious diversity in the educationalsystems of liberal democracies. In Y. Hébert (Ed.) Citizenship in Transformation:81-92.Toronto:University of Toronto Press.

GovernmentofIndia[2006]Social, Economic and Educational Status of the Muslim Community of India. SacharCommitteeReport.India:MinistryofMinorityAffairs.

Mc Andrew, M. [2009] Ethnocultural diversity and education: ACanadian perspective on India's policies and debates. In C. Raj, A.Nafey&M.McAndrew(Ed.)Multiculturalism: Public Policy and Problem Areas in Canada and India.Delhi:ManakPublishers.

McAndrew,M. [2012] Fragile Majorities and Education. Belgium, Catalonia, Northern Ireland, and Quebec. Montreal: McGill-Queen’sUniversityPress.

Ministère de l’Éducation duQuébec (MEQ) [1997]Quebec Schools on Course.EducationalPolicyStatement.Quebec:MEQ.

National Council for Educational Research and Training (NCERT)[2005] National Curriculum Framework Review. Position papers TeachingofSocialSciences.

National Resource Center for Value Education (NRCVE) [2004] Recent Initiatives. www.ncert.nic.in/sites/valueeducation/recent-initiatives.

Proulx,J.P.[1999]Laïcité et religion. Perspective nouvelle pour l’école québécoise.ReportsubmittedbytheGroupedetravailsurlaplacedelareligionàl’écoletotheMinisterofEducation.Quebec:MEQ.

Roy, K. [2012] “The Constitution, Cartoons and Controversies:Contextualising the Debates.” Economic and Political Weekly, 47(22):18-20.

disenfranchised sectorsof society, contributing to theirhigher legitimacy than inQuebec,where theyareoftenseenaspursuingonlyamandateforthereproductionofculturalandreligiousidentities.

concluding remarKsAscanbeseenbythiscomparisonofdebatesregarding

the balancing of diversity and common socialization inIndian and Quebec educational contexts, collaborationcouldprovevery fruitfulbothat thepolicyand researchlevels. In both contexts, issues at stake, policies andprogramsputforward,aswellasstrengthsandweaknessesexhibitenoughcommontrendsandspecificitiestowarrantincreasedexchanges.

ItwouldfirstappearthatIndianeducationaldecision-makers and program developers could benefit fromcurricularexpertisefromQuebecwithregardtohandlingtheteachingofacontestednationalhistory,especiallytheuseof that complexityas anasset in thedevelopmentofcritical thinking and citizenship skills among students.Thetwosocietiesmayalsocometoabetterunderstandingof theirrespectiveattemptstodevelopmoralandethicaleducation programs, where the religious component oftheir historical trajectory and their current pluralisticsituation are equally taken into account, including theorigins of resistance to such an endeavour. Finally, theopennessofIndiansocietytominorityinstitutions,aswellas their generally favourable impact on the preservationof minority cultures and on the sense of allegiance toIndian society should alsobe studiedwithgreaterdepthin Quebec, where attitudes in this regard are generallymorenegative.Increasedexchangewouldfavour,onbothsides, the development of amore critical perspective onthe shortcomingsofone’s society and schools, aswell asarenewedquestioningofdominantnationalassumptionsregardingethno-culturaldiversityandeducation.

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l’Équilibre entre la diversitÉ et la socialisation commune: une comParaison des dÉbats Éducatifs en inde et au quÉbec

L’enseignement de l’histoire, quelles mémoires ? À quelles fins ?

Danscetarticle,nouscomparonstroiscontroversesqui ont touché l’Inde et le Québec ces dix dernièresannées concernant l’enseignement de l’histoire,l’éducation aux valeurs et à la culture religieuse ainsique la pertinence d’institutions contrôlées par lesminorités.Danslesdeuxsociétés,ledébatleplusvisibleaconcernél’enseignementdel’histoiredanslesécolessecondaires, tant en ce qui concerne la définition decequidoit êtreenseignécomme«histoirenationale»quelesobjectifsd’untelenseignementdansunesociétépluraliste.EnInde,de2000à2005,lesétudiantsontétésoumis à trois curriculums successifs présentant unevisionunifiéedel’histoireoùlacentralitédelamajoritéhindouedansl’identiténationaleétaitàl’opposéetoùprévalait une interprétation plus ou moins nationa-listededifférentsévénementshistoriques.AuQuébec,àlasuitedudéveloppementd’unnouveauprogrammed’Histoire nationale au secondaire en 2005, plusieursont dénoncé l’affaiblissement du récit traditionnelde résistance des francophones, l’espace plus grandaccordéauxminoritésimmigrantesetnationalesainsique l’accentmissur lesperspectivesmultiplescommeun complot multiculturel. Ces deux controverses ontsoulevéplusieursquestionscommunestelleslescritèresqui devraient être utilisés pour statuer sur le poidsrespectifdedifférentespériodesdanslecurriculum,ledegréoùlegroupemajoritairedoitcontrôlerlerécitetdéciderquipeutyêtreinclusounonetenfin,lerôlequedevraitjouerlesreprésentantsdesgroupesminoritairesdans le traitement qui est fait de leur communautéau sein des manuels scolaires. Cependant, de façongénérale, on peut noter que l’expérience québécoise,tout particulièrement sur le plan du curriculum, estdavantage marquée par une utilisation originale destensions mêmes de l’enseignement d’une histoirecontroverséeetdesacomplexitédansledéveloppementdescompétencescitoyennesdesélèves.

L’enseignement moral et éthique: quel rôle pour les valeurs et les cultures religieuses ?

En Inde, l’éducation aux valeurs a été introduiteen 2000 au sein d’un système scolaire très largementlaïque par le parti nationaliste hindou, ce qui agénéré le développement d’une grande variété de

matériel pédagogique reflétant le patrimoine culturel,religieux et éthique de l’Inde,mais tout spécialementsa composante hindoue. Les partisans de cettesafranisation de l’éducationdénonçaienteneffetlalaïcitétraditionnelleindienneainsiqueleslimitesqu’ellefixeàlatransmissiondevaleurssubstantivesetreligieusescommel’impositiond’uneconceptionoccidentale.Maisses opposants la voyaient plutôt commeune tentatived’imposerlesvaleurshindouesauxminoritésreligieusesetuneatteinteàlatransmissiondesvaleursséculièrescommunes à tous les élèves. Quant au programmed’ÉthiqueetdeCulture religieusequébécois introduiten 2007, il visait à faciliter la transition d’un systèmetraditionnellement confessionnel vers un systèmelaïqueplusadaptéàlaprésencecroissantedesminoritésreligieuses et des personnes non pratiquantes. Lesécoles enseignent doncdésormais toutes les religions,mêmesioncontinueàattribueruneplusgrandeplaceà la spiritualité autochtone ainsi qu’aux croyancesjudéo-chrétiennes,étantdonnéleurimpacthistorique.Ce compromis est considéré par plusieurs commeune troisième avenue prometteuse entre l’éducationconfessionnelle,lalaïcitérigideetlemulticulturalisme«pur».Cependant, leprogrammeagénéréuneguerreidéologique importante portée, entre autres, par lesnationalistes traditionnels qui mettent de l’avant laperte d’identité liée à l’abandon des appartenancesreligieuses et voudraient que les écoles jouent à cetégardunrôleréactif.

Même si les contextes sont fort différents, lesdébats indien et québécois adressent clairement desquestionstrèsprochessurlalégitimitéquedesvaleurssubstantives liéesà la trajectoirehistorique spécifiquedelamajoritésoienttransmisesparlesécolesdansunesociétémulticulturelleetmultireligieuse.

Les institutions minoritaires: atout ou obstacle dans le développement d’une société pluraliste ?

Laconstitutionindiennesupportefortementledroitdesminoritésreligieusesàcréeretàgérerleurspropresinstitutions, ce qui reflète un engagement normatifsignificatif, mais aussi la situation sociopolitiquequi existait au moment de l’indépendance. De plus,plusieurs balises assurent le respect du curriculumcommun et la présence dans de telles institutionsd’élèves et d’enseignants d’origines diverses, ce qui aminimisé leur contradiction potentielle avec l’objectifplus large de construction de la nation. Cependantcertains médias du camp laïque ont exprimé descraintesqueles institutionsreligieusesnesoutiennent

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ledéveloppementdu fondamentalismeLes liens entrele pluralisme structurel et l’égalité des chances sontaussi problématiques, tout particulièrement pour lesminorités défavorisées comme les Musulmans. Maisdes développements intéressants pour maximiserl’impactpositifdesécolesmusulmanessontàsignaler.Quant auQuébec, il se distingue parmi les provincescanadiennespar sonfinancementgénéreuxdesécolesspécifiquesassociéestantàlamajoritéqu’auxminoritésreligieuses.Cesoutien,quirésultedemultiplesfacteurshistoriques et politiques, est balisé par des exigencesclaires que ces institutions suivent le curriculumcommunetn’enseignentlecontenureligieuxetculturelquecommeuneactivitécomplémentaire.Cependant,lalégitimitéd’unescolarisationséparéepourlesminoritésreligieuses génère des débats animés et récurrents auQuébec,toutparticulièrementautourdesécolesjuives.Bienquelespréoccupationsd’endoctrinementreligieuxsoient parfois exprimées, le principal argument desopposants est le manque de socialisation commune

entrelesélèvesd’originesdiversesetsesconséquencessurl’intégrationsocialedesminoritésreligieuses.

Bienquelesdébatsindienetquébécoisprésententdes éléments communs, l’évaluation globale desinstitutionsethnoreligieusesestbeaucouppluspositiveen Inde, ce qui reflète un engagement plus marquéen faveur du pluralisme religieux, mais également lamoindreimportanceattribuéeàl’existenced’unespacescolaire unifié dans un pays où l’accès à l’éducationpourtousestloind’êtreencoreassurée.

ConclusionUnecollaborationaccruesurlagestiondeladiversité

en éducation en Inde et au Québec pourrait s’avérerbénéfique tant pour le développement des politiquesquedelarecherche.Eneffet,danslesdeuxcontextes,lesenjeux soulevés, les politiques et les programmesmisdel’avantainsiquelesforcesetlesfaiblessesprésententà la fois suffisamment d’éléments communs et despécificitéspourjustifierl’intensificationdeséchanges.

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study tours in india: a tool in the intercultural training of teachersfernand ouellet, retired professor, Faculty of Theology and Religious Studies, Université de Sherbrooke.

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introductionI will present here some explanations regarding my

interestinIndianculture,politicsandsociallifewhichhasledmetoorganizestudytoursinIndiaforteachers.Iwillalsoindicatehowthesestudytourswereintegratedinthein-service training program for intercultural education IhavedevelopedatUniversityofSherbrooke.

WhenIobtainedmyPh.D. inPhilosophyofReligionat McGill University in 1970, Quebec society was verydifferent from the one in which I was born in 1941. Itwas in theprocessofbecomingamodernsociety,wherereligionwouldplayonlyaminorrole.Withoutrealizingit,Iwaspersonallyaffectedby these transformations.AfterfinishingtheeightyearsofB.A.,Istudiedtheologyforfiveyears, but Iwasmore andmoredissatisfiedwithRomanCatholic theology since I felt it didnotdeliver satisfyinganswers to fundamental questions about the nature ofreligion.TheprogramofPhilosophyofReligionsatMcGillUniversitymadeitpossibletoapproachreligioninabroaderperspective.ItalsoincludedseminarsonHinduism,whichweremyfirstcontactwiththisreligioustradition.

After thecompletionofmyPh.D., Iwashiredat theFaculté de théologie of Sherbrooke University where agraduateprograminsocialsciencesandreligion(Scienceshumainesdesreligions)hadjustbeencreated.Iwasaskedto develop courses onHinduism and Buddhism.Duringmyfirstyearsofteaching,aprogramof“Culturereligieuse”hadbeenexperimented in someschoolsofQuebec.Thisprogramwasofferedinthelastthreeyearsofhighschool,asanalternativetothecourseofreligiouseducation.Theteachersinvolvedinthisexperimentationneededtraininginsociologyofreligionandworldreligions,soaprofessional“module”wasaddedtotheprogramof“Scienceshumainesdesreligions” inorder tofill thatneed.Thatprofessional“module”wasstructuredaroundthreemaincomponents:1. Theory. The teachers had to become aware of the

possibility of studying religion in anon-confessionalwayandtheyhadtolearnhowtousethemethodologyofthesocialsciences.

2. Experience. The teachers had to select a religioustradition and to study in depth its complexity anddiversity.Theywereinvitedtoexchangewithfollowersofthattradition.

3. Experimentation. The teachers had to create for their students pedagogical material reflecting theinsights gained during their involvement in thetrainingprogram.

It iswithin the frameworkof the secondcomponentofthetrainingprogramthatIorganizedfourstudytoursin India for teachers of “culture religieuse” at the highschoollevel.EachofthesetourswaspreparedbyintensivesessionsonIndianculture,sociallife,politicsandreligions.Most of the courses in these intensive sessions were givenbyAndréCouture,aneminentspecialistofSanskritfromLavalUniversity inQuebecCity.The teacherswhoparticipatedinthesesessionswereworkingfulltimeandtheydidnotspendmuchtimeattheuniversity.AtextbookcontainingarticlesonvariousaspectsofIndianlifeandaselectivebibliographywaspreparedforthemsothattheycould complete their training at home. They were alsoinvitedtoselectaspecificaspectofIndianlifeandreligionthattheycoulddiscusswithIndiancorrespondentsduringthe trip in India. Colleagues from Indian universitieshelpedinorganizingthoseexchanges.

However, after some ten years of experimentation,theQuebecDepartmentofEducationdecided to abolishtheprogramof “culturereligieuse.”Theprogramwasre-established in anew form in2004when theMinistryofEducation created a new program: Ethics and religious culture.Fordetailsaboutthisprogram,seeOuellet(2005)andalsoMcAndrewandAkhtarinthisvolume.

This led me to reorient the professional “module” IhadcreatedinordertosatisfytheneedsofteachersintheRomanCatholic network inQuebec. After the adoptionofBill101,in1976,allimmigrantsinQuebechadtosendtheir children to the French schools. “Bill 101 […] made French the official language of the state and of the courts in the province of Quebec, as well as making it the normal and habitual language of the workplace, of instruction, of communications, of commerce and of business. Education in French became compulsory for immigrants, even those from other Canadian provinces, unless a ‘reciprocal agreement’ existed between Quebec and that province (the so-called Quebec clause)”(Hudon,2012).Thiscreatedanewsituationfortheteachers intheFrenchCatholicnetwork

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• Thestudyofthemaintheoreticalquestionsraisedbyany attempt to hold together three preoccupations/values: the acceptation of cultural diversity, thesearch for social cohesion in a common space ofdeliberation and the struggle against discriminationandinequalities;

• Theexplorationofsomeaspectsofthesocio-economicandpoliticalsituationinachosenforeigncountryandofthedynamicsofthecultureofitscitizenswhohaveimmigratedtoQuebec;

• Theelaborationofaplanofinterventionwhichcouldcontribute to the quality of education offered to allstudents.The teachers involved in theprogramwereinvited to adopt the form of cooperative learningdevelopedbyElizabethCohen(1994),inlightofthenewperspectivesopenedbytheexplorationoftheoreticalquestionsrelevanttothethreepreoccupations/valuesmentioned before, and of a greater sensibility to thediverseexperiencesofminority culturalgroupswithwhomtheyhadinteractionsduringtheexplorationofaforeignsociety.

Intercultural education is a controversial concept.Inorder tobeable to take intoaccount thecultural andreligiousdifferenceswhicharemoreandmorearealityinsocietyandintheclassroom,teachersneedtheintellectualtoolswhichcanhelpthemunderstandthecausesandtheconsequencesofthissituation.TheprogramIhavedesignedincludes courses on some important theoretical issuesrelatedtoculturalandreligiousdiversity,socialcohesionandequality.Table1providesasyntheticpresentationofthesetheoreticalissues.

whohadtoteachtostudentsfrommultiplecultures.Thisnew situation generated many initiatives by teachers todeal with the new challenges and these initiatives gavebirthtoaneweducationfield:intercultural/multiculturaleducation. However, the initiatives of teachers had veryoften“perverseeffects”(Ouellet,1992)despitetheirgoodintentions.Ihaveidentifiedintherelevantliteratureseven“perverse effects” of initiatives focussing too much oncultural particularities:• Confinement of individuals in a permanent and

immutable cultural identity which deprive themof their freedom to choose their “cultural formula”(Camilleri,1988/1990).

• Hardening of the boundaries between groups andaccentuationoftherisksof intoleranceandrejection(Steele,1990).

• Accentuation of the difficulties for immigrants andmembersofminoritygroupstohaveaccesstoequalityofopportunities(Steele,1990).

• The paralysing perplexity of the relativistic masterwhodoesnotknowwhattoteachifhewantstoshowrespectforthecultureofminoritystudents(Camilleri,1988,90).

• Stigmatisation and marginalisation of minoritystudents to whom a socially depreciated identity isattributed(Nicolet,1987).

• Reification and “folklorisation” of culture which isnomorealivingrealityprovidingguidanceinlifeforindividuals(J.J.,inOuellet1991).

• Fragmentation of curriculum as a result ofparticularisticdemands(Ravitch,1990).

intercultural education Program:In the last25yearsofmycareerat theUniversityof

Sherbrooke, Ihavebeen inchargeofagraduateprogramof intercultural training for teachers.This program wasdesignedtoequipteacherswiththeconceptualtoolsandthe pedagogical strategies they needed in order to avoidthese“perverseeffects.”IhavebeeninfluencedbythedoublestrategyproposedbyBernardLoreytte(1982)toshunthesepitfalls: a “pedagogy of identity deconstruction,” wherethe homogeneity postulated for “us” and for “others” issystematicallydeconstructed,anda“pedagogyofsituation,”where,inagivenhistoricandsocialcontext,interculturalrelationsareanalyzedintheconcretesituationofcontactsbetweenindividualsandgroups.Thisapproachisstillveryrelevantandunderliesthe“roundaboutstrategy”thatIhaveputforward(Ouellet,1994).Ratherthantryingtoresponddirectly to theexpectationsof teachers, the interculturaleducationprogramtakestheminatriple“roundabout”:

table 1: intercultural education/citizenship educationpreoCCupations/

VaLues ConCepts/themes

Acceptation of diversity

Culture,ethnicityandidentityinthecontext ofmodernity.

Culturalrelativismandthenecessitytogobeyondit.

Obstaclestointerculturalrelations:-“ethnicisation”ofculturaldifferences;-prejudice,discrimination,heterophobia,racism;-antiracismanditsproblems.

Social cohesion (Searchfora “principle of collective belonging”)

Nation,community,state.

Nationalism,liberalism,pluralisticdemocracy,citizenship.

Civiceducation,educationfordemocracy.

Equality and equity

Equalityofopportunity,exclusionandmarginalization.

Theviciouscircleofguilt-victim.

Affirmativeactionanditsperverseeffects.

Critical participation to democratic life and democratic deliberation

Deliberativedemocracyandpluralismofvalues.

ConsensusVSmodusvivendi.

Politicsofidentit.

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• Religioustraditionsandtheircontemporarytransformations;

• Familyandeducationofchildren;• Educationsystem;• Tensionsbetweentraditionandmodernity;• Relations between cultural and religious groups and

statepoliciesinthisarea.

Teachers must consult scholars who can suggestrelevant books and articles on the religious, cultural,socialandpoliticalbackgroundof thecountrytheywantto study.Theyare also invited toevaluatewitheducatedimmigrantscomingfromthatcountrythefindingsoftheirresearch,thetransformationoftheircultureinthecontextofimmigration,andthedifficultiestheyhaveexperiencedintheirintegrationtothenewcountry.

The nature of this activity requires that teachers befreetoselectforthemselvesthecountrytheywillexplore.Whentheteachersdonothaveanyclearpreference,theycanbehelpedtoselectacountryoforiginofimmigrantswhose integrationraises somedifficulties.Some teacherseagertodiscoverIndiajoinedthesevengroupswhotraveledtoIndiawithmebetween1984and2006,buttheirworkingconditionsmadeitdifficultforthemtoparticipateingreatnumber.IorganizedtenstudytoursinIndiabetween1977and2008 andapproximately 120personsparticipated inthosetrips.Lessthan40ofthemwereteachers.ButsomeoftheparticipantshavedevelopedagreatinterestinIndiaand have managed to visit this country by themselves.Someofthosewhohadinvestedlesstimeandenergyinthepreparationofthetriphaveexperienceda“culturalshock.”Theywereunabletoseeanythingbeyondoverpopulation,poverty and dirt and they were eager to return to thecomfortof“civilization.”

reading: another learning toolThestudytoursIorganizedhavehadalimitedimpact

on the intercultural training of teachers. Fortunately,good novels and short stories by Indian authors are amore accessible mean to comprehend the complexity ofIndian life and cultural and religious traditions. I havetried to make a small contribution to the discovery ofIndianliteraturebyFrenchspeakingreadersbytranslatingthe main works of a giant of Hindi literature, MunshiPremchand. I have had the privilege of being assisted inthisdifficultendeavorbythreecolleagueswhoseexpertisehas been invaluable: Kiran Chaudhry, a specialist ofFrenchandliterarytranslationfromJNU,AndréCouture,aspecialistofSanskritatLavalUniversityinQuebeccityandRichardGiguère,aspecialistofliterarytranslationatUniversityofSherbrooke.Threecollectionsofshortstoriesof Premchand, published in 1996, 2000, 2009, and two

But the importance of the second component of the“roundaboutstrategy,”theexplorationofaforeignsociety,ismuchlessevident.Thiscomponentmightbeconsideredas a luxury for teachers facing urgent problems in theirclassrooms. I believe, however, that teachers need anopportunity to distance themselves from the climate ofurgencyandoftensionwhicharealltoooftencharacteristicofinterculturalrelations.Theexplorationofsomeaspectsofaforeignsociety'ssocio-economicandpoliticalcontext,particularly if it is connected to an eventual visit to thechosencountry, introducesanelementofpleasuretotheprogram.The discovery of a new cultural world can bea very gratifying experience if it implies an initiation toa foreign literature, and to the religion, music, arts andculinarydelightsofaforeigncountry.Someteachersmightevenstartlearningthelanguageofthatcountry.

Anotherreasontoincludetheexplorationofaforeigncultureasacomponentofinterculturaleducationisthatitprovidesteacherswithanopportunitytotestthevalidityandtherelevanceofsomeofthetheoreticalnotionswhichhavebeenunderstudyinthefirstpartoftheprogramme.Italsogivesthemapointofcomparisonwhichhelpsthembetter understand their own society. When they try toanalyzetheculturalandreligioustraditionsofthiscountryinthelightofthesetheoreticalnotions,theylearnhowtocomprehend cultural particularities in a broader socio-politicalframework.Theyare,then,betterpreparedtoavoidthe numerous “perverse effects” which can be producedbyactivitiesfocussingonthediscoveryofothercultures.Lastbutnot least,thismultidimensionalexplorationofaforeignsocietygives teachers theopportunity to interactwith citizens who have recently emigrated from theircountry and to developwith them relationships under amodel of mutual discovery and enrichment rather thanmisunderstandingandconfrontation.

Allthesereasonsleadmetopersistinmyconvictionthat the exploration of a foreign culture in interculturalformation is far from being a luxury in a context of aglobal economy and of a widening gap between the lifeconditions in industrializedand those inpoorcountries.Thiscomponentof the “roundaboutstrategy”mightverywell make an essential contribution to the developmentof a planetary vision which is required to face the newproblemsemerginginallcountriestoday.

second comPonent: studying the host countryInthissecondcomponentoftheprogram,theteachers

areinvitedtoexploresomeaspectsoftheculturalmodelwhichisdominantinthecountrytheywouldliketovisitandtostudytherelationsbetweenmajorityandminoritygroupsinthatcountry.Theymustwriteashortmonographinwhichtheygiveasyntheticpresentationofsomeofthefollowingpoints:

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studY trips to india: a tooL in the interCuLturaL training oF teaChers

Premchand (In preparation) Détournement de fonds, 300p.(TranslationFernandOuellet, incollaborationwithAndréCouture,RichardGiguèreandKiranChaudhry).

Loreytte, B. [1982; 1991] La fonction de l'Autre: argumentspsychosociologiques d'une éducation transculturelle. Éducation permanente, No66;Pluralisme et école,Québec:IQRC:339-362.

Nicolet,M. [1987] «Pédagogie interculturelle, identité des élèves etdynamique de la situation scolaire». Dans Dinello, R. et Perret-Clermont,A.N.dir.Psycho-pédagogie interculturelle,Fribourg:15-27.

Ouellet,F. [1991]L'éducation interculturelle. Essai sur le contenu de la formation des maîtres,Paris:L'Harmattan:65-74.

Ouellet, F. [1992] «L'éducation interculturelle: les risques d'effetspervers».InL'interculturel: une question d'identité,Québec:Muséedelacivilisation:61-108.

Ouellet, F. [1994] «De la nécessité du détour en formationinterculturelle. Le programme de l'Université de Sherbrooke»,Organization,34(3):269-274.

Ouellet, F. [2000] “Training teachers for intercultural/anti-racisteducation.”Leicester,M.,Modgil,C.etModgil,S.[2000]Education, Culture and Values, Vol. II Institutional Issues: Pupils, Schools and Teacher Education,London,The Falmer Press:169-180.

Ouellet, F. [2002] Les défis du pluralisme en éducation. Essais sur la formation interculturelle, Québec: Presses de l’Université Laval/Paris:L’Harmattan,2002.

Steele,S.[1990]TheContentofOurCharacter.AnewVisionofRaceinUnitedStates,NewYork,St-Martin's Press.

major novels, published in 2006 and 2012, have alreadybeen published. A third novel is in the process of finalrevisionandafirstdraftofthetranslationoftwovolumesofPremchand’swritinghasjustbeencompleted.TwomorecollectionsofPremchand’sshortstorieswillbetranslatedhopefullyinthenexttwoyears.

conclusionTraining teachers for intercultural education is not

an easy task. The “roundabout strategy” I have brieflydescribedheremightbehelpfultoovercomesomeoftheproblems faced by thosewho offer training in this field.Some initiation to thehumanand social sciences shouldcertainlybeanessentialelementofanytrainingprogram.The exploration of the culture of a foreign countrywiththeanalytical toolsof social andhumansciencesandaninitiationtotheliteratureofthatcountrycouldalsobeanimportantcomponentofthistrainingprogram.

reFerenCes

Cohen,E.[1994]Designing Groupwork. Strategies for the Heterogeneous Classroom,NewYork:Teachers College Press.Le travail de groupe. Stratégies d'enseignement pour la classe hétérogène. (Trad. FernandOuellet),Montréal:LaChenelière.

Hudon, A. Bill 101. in The Canadian encyclopedia. (RetrievedDecember 29th, 2012, from http://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.com/articles/bill-101).

les voyages d'Étude en inde: un outil Pour la formation interculturelle des enseignants

Je présente ici quelques explications concernantmon intérêtpour la vie culturelle, politique et socialeindienne, qui m’ont conduit à organiser des voyagesd’études en Inde pour les enseignants. Je démontreaussi comment ces voyages d’étude s’intégraient dansle programme de perfectionnement en éducationinterculturelledéveloppéparl’UniversitédeSherbrooke.

Lorsque j’ai obtenu mon Ph.D. en Philosophiedes religions à l’UniversitéMcGill, en1970, la sociétéquébécoiseétaittrèsdifférentedecelleoùj’étaisnéen1941.Sanstropm’enapercevoir,j’étaispersonnellementmarquéparcestransformations.Aprèsavoircomplétémoncoursclassique,j’aiétudiélathéologiependantcinqans.Toutefois,lathéologiecatholiquenefournissaitpasderéponsessatisfaisantesauxquestionsfondamentalesque je me posais sur la nature de la religion. Leprogramme de Philosophie des religions offert parl’UniversitéMcGillmepermis d’aborder l’étudede lareligion dans une perspective plus large et d’avoir unpremiercontactaveclestraditionsreligieusesdel’Inde.

Ayant obtenu un poste à la Faculté de théologiede l’Université de Sherbrooke en 1970, je me suisintéressé au programme de «culture religieuse»introduitquelquesannéesplustôtdansquelquesécolessecondairesduQuébec.Lesenseignantsengagésdanscenouveauprogrammeavaientbesoind’uneformationenhistoiredesreligionsetensociologiedesreligions.Pour répondre à ce besoin, un volet professionnel fut introduit dans le programme de Maîtrise ensciences humaines des religions de l’Université deSherbrooke. Ce volet professionnel était structuréautourdetroiscomposantes:1. Théorie. Les enseignants devaient apprendre

à aborder les phénomènes religieux selon lesperspectivesdesscienceshumainesetsociales.

2. Expérience. Les enseignants devaient choisir unetraditionreligieuse,l’étudierdanssacomplexitéetsadiversitéetavoirdeséchangesavecdespersonnesappartenantàcettetradition.

3. Expérimentation. Les enseignants devaient créerpourleursélèvesdumatérielpédagogiquereflétantce qu’ils avaient appris dans les deux premiersvoletsduprogramme.

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C’est dans le cadre de la seconde composante duprogramme que j’ai organisé des voyages d’études enInde pour les enseignants en «culture religieuse».Chacun de ces voyages était préparé par des sessionsintensivesd’étéetunprogrammede lecturesdirigéessurdifférentsaspectsde la culture indienne,de laviesociale et politique en Inde et des religions de l’Inde.L’abolition du programme de «culture religieuse» àla fin des années 1970m’a forcé à réorienter le voletprofessionnel du programme que je dirigeais et d’yinclureunvoletde formation interculturelle.Cevoletprofessionnelnecherchaitpasàrépondredirectementaux attentes des enseignants confrontés aux défis dupluralismeethnocultureldansleurssallesdeclasses.Illesinvitaitplutôtàuntripledétour:1. Détour par la théorie. Étude des principales

questions théoriques que soulève toute initiativevisant à maintenir ensemble les préoccupations/valeurs d’acceptation de la diversité culturelle, demaintien de la cohésion sociale dans un espacecommun de délibération et de lutte contre ladiscriminationetlesinégalités.

2. Détourpar l’explorationd’unetraditionculturelleétrangère.Étudedecertainsaspectsdelasituationsocio-économique et politique d’un pays étrangeret de la dynamique de la culture d’immigrantsquébécoisquiviennentdecepays.

3. Détour par la pédagogie. Élaboration d’unprojet d’intervention susceptible de contribuerà améliorer la qualité de l’enseignement grâceaux apprentissages effectués dans le cadre desdeux premières composantes du programme.Les enseignants étaient encouragés à intégrer lesstratégiesdel’«instructioncomplexe»développéesparE.Cohen(1994).

L’importancedusecondélémentdelastratégiedudétourmise enœuvre dans ce programme estmoinsévidente.J'estimepourmapartquelesenseignantsontbesoindeprendreuncertainreculparrapportauclimatd'urgence et de tension qui caractérise souvent lesrelations interculturelles. L'exploration de la situationsociale, économique et politique d'un pays étranger,surtout si elle est liée à un projet éventuel de voyagedanslepaysétudié,permetd'introduireunélémentdeplaisirdansladémarchedeformation.

L'exploration de la dynamique socioculturelledu pays choisi constituait également une excellenteoccasion de tester la validité de plusieurs des notionsthéoriques analysées dans le premier bloc d'activitésdu programme. Elle permettait de voir concrètementcomment la culture et l'ethnicité se combinent àdivers facteurs sociaux et politiques dans une autresociété et d'avoir des points de comparaison pourmieux comprendre comment les mêmes mécanismessont à l'œuvre dans son propre univers culturel. Lesenseignantspouvaientainsiéviterlesnombreux«effetspervers» qui guettent toute activité de formationcentréesurladécouvertedelaculturedel'Autre.

Cette démarche d'exploration d'un universculturel étranger fournissait aux enseignants inscritsauprogramme l'occasiond'entrer en contact avecdesimmigrants et d'avoir avec eux des interactions quipourront être vécues sous le mode de la découverteet de l'enrichissement mutuel et non sous celui del'incompréhensionetdelaconfrontation,commec'esttropsouventlecas.

Toutes ces raisons m'amènent à persister dansma conviction que le détour par l'exploration d'unecultureétrangèren'estpasunluxepouruneformationinterculturelle dans un contexte de mondialisation.Loin d'être un luxe, ce détour peut contribuer d'unemanière significative au développement de la visionplanétairedontnousauronsbesoinpourfairefaceauxdéfis nouveaux qui confrontent aujourd'hui toutes lessociétés.J’aiorganisédixvoyagesd’étudeenIndedanslecadreduprogrammedeformationinterculturelleetunecentainedepersonnesyontparticipé.Lecoûtdeces voyages et le temps exigé pour la préparation ontempêché plusieurs enseignants d’y participer. Moinsde la moitié des participants aux voyages étaient desenseignants.Heureusement,lesromansetlesnouvellespar des écrivains indiens constituent un moyen pluslargement accessible pour mieux comprendre larichesse et la complexité de la vie et de la culture del’Inde.J’aitentéd’apporterunepetitecontributionàladécouvertede la littérature indienneen traduisant lesœuvres principales d’un géant de la littérature hindi,MunshiPremchand.Trois recueilsde sesnouvellesetdeuxromansontdéjàétépubliés.Unautreromanestpresqueprêtpourlapublicationetdeuxcollectionsdesesécritsdiverssontenpréparation.J’espèreégalementpouvoir,d’icideuxans,publierdeuxautresrecueilsdenouvellesdecetauteur.

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casting the “other”: the treatment of muslims in quebec and indian teXtbooKsratna ghosh, James McGill Professor and William C. Macdonald Professor of Education, Faculty of Education, McGill University, Montreal.

amina triki-yamani, Ph.D., Université de Paris X, and Associate researcher, Canada Research Chair on Education and Ethnic Relations, Université de Montréal.

conteXtThis article focuses on the treatment ofMuslims in

two pluralistic societies, India and Quebec, where theintegrationof this community is still a challenge even ifthe historical and socio-political contexts are different.The post 9/11 international geopolitical context, withits ensuing Islamophobia and racism resulting from theincreasing Muslim immigration and cultural visibilityinCanada and the province ofQuebec, and thewesterncoverageofterrorismandconflictsinvolvingMuslimsallovertheMuslimWorld,justifyourinterestinstudyingtherepresentationof Islam, theMuslimWorldandMuslimsliving in both Quebec and India. Furthermore, on theeducational level, several studies have demonstrated theexistence of biases and stereotype regarding Islam andMuslims, and the treatment is clearly marked by morefactual errors and ethnocentricbiases than thatof otherreligions,civilizationsorethnicgroups.

Textbooks represent the curriculum and are veryimportanttoolsthroughwhichknowledgeistransmittedtostudents.Whiletextbookshavesometimesbeenatthecenterofcontroversyitisthehistorytextbooksthatseemtohaveattractedthemostattention.Thisisnotsurprisingsince history textbooks are regarded as the state’sinstrument to transmit narratives defining the nationalculture. Both inCanada and in India, the State suggeststextbooks to be used in schools. While education is aprovincialresponsibilityinCanada,inIndiaeducationisaconcurrentsubjectlistintheconstitution.Thismeansthatstategovernments(andtheunionterritories)aswellasthecentral government are responsible for education. In theprovinceofQuebectheEducation Actdefinestherightsandresponsibilitiesregardinginstructionalmaterials.ButitisultimatelythePrincipalsandteacherswhoareresponsibleforitandthisiswhyavarietyofmaterialsexist.Similarly,

inIndiatheNationalCouncilofEducationalResearchandTraining(NCERT),hasthemandatetoproducetextbooksfor national use but their acceptance throughout thecountry remains small. Even when formally acceptingNCERT books, schools run by community groups andpolitical parties in different states in India use a varietyofsupplementarybooksinmultiplelanguages.Soamajorproblem of analyzing history textbooks in both QuebecandIndiaisthevarietyoftextbooksinuse.

Around14%ofIndiansareMuslims(over138millionaccordingtothe2001census).IslamcametoIndiawhenthe religion spread in the 7th century andMuslims are apart of India’s religious and cultural heritage. Not onlyhas there been a significant integration of Hindus and Muslims but Muslims have also been prominent in thehistorical, cultural and economic development of thecountry. The presence of Muslims in Canada becamesignificant from the mid-1960s, following a non-discriminatory immigration policy that allowed manymigrants from the Third World to reach the country(Abu-Laban1980,1997).In2001,theMuslimcommunityrepresented2%ofthetotalCanadianpopulation;60.8%ofMuslims lived inOntario,18.7%inQuebecand20.4%intheotherprovinces (Census,2001).Muslim immigrationisincreasing,makingIslamthefastestgrowingreligioninCanadaandinQuebec(StatisticsCanada,2001,2011).

muslims in french-quebec teXtbooKsThissectionintroducessomeresultsofalargerresearch

on The Treatment of Islam, the Muslim World and Muslims in the French-Quebec Textbooks.Studiesonethnocentrism(McAndrew,1986;Blondin;1990;McAndrew,Oueslati,Helly,2009,2011)haveshownthatthetreatmentofIslamandMusliminQuebectextbookshasbeencharacterizedbyerrors,omissionsandtherepresentationofoften-negative

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Sharia, and on the other hand, the Western values offreedomandequalityamonghumanbeings.Even if theyareatthecenterofthesenon-consensualissues,textbooksnevergiveMuslimsthefloortodefendtheirchoicesortopresenttheirviews.

In a more recent content analysis (2011-2012) ofsecondary-level(highschool)ERCtextbooks,144excerptsincluded in the three sections addressed in ERC (ethics,religious culture and dialogue) relate to Muslims andIslam in general and in 52 of those,Muslims and IslamofQuebecinparticulararethefocus.Intheonlysection“Religious culture,” 37 excerpts cover Muslims in theQuebeccontext.ERCisthusbyfarthedisciplinethatgivesthe best qualitative and quantitative treatment of IslamandMuslims. In the part relating to “Quebec's religiousheritage” (34 excerpts), we identified three themes thatreflect theMuslimpresence inQuebec.Thefirst, on thematerial expressions of religion, is the one that containsthemostexcerpts(15).TheyconsistmostlyofdescriptionsofMuslimplacesofworshipinQuebec,suchastheSaint-Laurentmosque (1965).The second theme concerns thefacts relating to theMuslimcommunity inQuebec (9of 34 excerpts). Most of the nine excerpts have headingsthatindicatetheroleofIslamintheevolutionanddiver-sification of the religious landscape inQuebec in recentdecades: “The Changing Face of Quebec,” “A religiousheritageinprogress,”“Muslims'ImmigrationtoQuebec.”ThethirdthemerelatestotheimpactofIslamiccustomson Quebec values and norms (10 quotes). Five excerptscontainseveralbiasesandstereotypesabouttheinclusionof religious diversity; they describe accommodationconfined to three religious groups: the Jewish, Muslim andSikhcommunities.

Thesecondpart, “Fundamentalelementsof religioustraditions,” focuses on sacred stories, rites and rules inIslam. One excerpt on stories depicting supernaturalbeingsislinkedtotheQuebeccontext.Whenaddressingthe rites and rules, the authorsmiss the opportunity tolinkspecificpracticesofIslamtotheQuebeccontext,suchasfuneralritesandthepresenceofMuslimcemeteriesinQuebec,suchastheLavalcemetery.

Two excerpts on theMuslim community inQuebecare included in the third part, “Representations of thedivine and mythical and supernatural beings.”They arelisted under “Images of God from elsewhere” and talkaboutIslam,BuddhismandHinduism.Thefirstshowsonthesamepageoneofthesymbolsofseveralreligions.Onecouldseecalligraphyoftheword“Allah.”Aquestionaimedtostudents,asks:“Whatkindsofbehavioursareadoptedwithinpeoplewithrepresentationsoflifeorofthedivinewhicharedifferentfromours?”Onecanseean“us/them”dichotomyclearlystatedinthequestions.

stereotypes.Newtextbooksthathavebeenapprovedand used in the context of the last Quebec school reform (1999-2010) have been improved with regard to thetreatmentof IslamandMuslims inQuebecandCanada,evenifsomestereotypesandbiasstillexist.

Qualitatively speaking, these recent textbooks arecharacterizedbymoredepthandobjectivity.Achangeisclearlynoticeablefromopenlynegativeviewsandattitudesin the 1980s and a less negative but very superficial andbiased coverage full of errors in the 1990s (Oueslati, McAndrew,Helly,2009,2011),toamorecomplex,preciseand balanced coverage in the new textbooks. WhileMuslims are absent from textbooks in the 1980s, theyaremuchmorepresent in the1990s,possiblybecauseof their lownumber in the1980sandearly1990s.TheyaremorepresentasforeignersthanascitizenslivinginQuebecandCanada.

More explicit instructions in the new curriculumguidelinesandmanycontroversiesthathavetargetedtheMuslim community in the last 30 years inQuebecmayalsohaveconstrainedauthorstodealmorecarefullywiththe topicof IslamandMuslims in textbooks. In thefirstanalysis (2005-2006) linked to the research cited above,very few excerpts (19 out of 190) deal with MuslimslivinginQuebec,whichgivestheimpressionthatthisisaphenomenonoutsidethehostsociety,especiallyifwetakeintoaccountthenumberofexcerptsrelatingtoMuslimslivingabroad,particularlyintheMuslimworld.

From this global quantitative assessment, one canseethatMuslimsareoverwhelminglypresentasanalienrealityinQuebecandCanada.ThetreatmentoftheMuslimcommunityinFrench-Quebechistorytextbooksconcernsmainly Muslim newcomers (immigrants, refugees,foreignstudents).Muslimsaslong-standingQuebecoisorCanadiansarediscussedinveryfewexcerpts.Theexcerptsare divided between positive treatment (interreligiousdialogue, integration successful), andneutral (nutritionalaspects) or negative (among others, around the place ofreligion in the public sphere). In the excerpts that focusonthelatterissue,MuslimsarenotpresentedascitizenswhocontributepositivelytoQuebecsociety.Rather, theyareconstructedasa threat to theongoingsecularizationofQuebecsociety,broadlyconceivedastheeliminationofreligionfromthepublicsphere.

Excerpts from high school history textbooks depictthe veiling ofMuslimwomen as running counter to theprocess of secularization of the public sphere inQuebecandtocertainfundamentalrightsoftheindividual,suchas gender equality. In one of these excerpts, an explicitopposition is established between, on the one hand, theveil, the subjugation of women, fundamentalism and

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authorsofhistorytextbooksgenerallypromotedthisview,butcommunal forces threatening thisvisionbringaboutthecontroversiesovertextbooks inIndia.Communalisminvokes history to gain the legitimacy for constructingIndiaasaHindunationandtocreateareligious identityandcastthe“outsider”asenemy.Althoughethnic/religiousmovementsemergedinvariouspartsofthecountrytheywere not given any mention in textbooks.The NationalPolicy on Education (NPE) was announced in 1986 tointroduceacommonframeworktosafeguardthevaluesofsecularism,socialismandequality.

Themainfocusofthecontroversyinhistorytextbooksis on communal distortions and interpretations throughsecular and communal perspectives of different politicalparties. Hindu fundamentalist forces alleged factualinaccuraciesandbiasedinterpretationoftheinitialhistorytexts despite their academic quality. The first textbookcontroversy in India occurred in 1977 when the JanataPartywasinpower:asuggestionwasmadeinParliamentfor the withdrawal of certain history textbooks whichweresaid tobe toosympathetic toMuslimRulers in themedieval period while neglecting to glorify the Hinduheritage,therebygivingaprejudicedviewofIndianhistory.Secondly, there was objection to the manner in whichHindu nationalist leaders such as Tilak and AurobindoGhosh were portrayed, thus attacking the secular andscientific writing of some of the best historians in thecountry.During the two years that the JanataPartywasin power in a coalition with the Hindu communal JanaSanghparty,attemptsweremadetoban,deleteandrewritesections of school history textbooks. But the attempt toban the existing textbooks failed partly becauseNCERTresisted this, but largely because of a nationwide protestagainstthismove.

Asmallersecondcontroversytookplacein1992withtheCongressPartyinpower,whenanannouncementwasmadeinParliamentthatagroupofeminenthistorianshadbeenapproachedtowritethehistoryofpost-independentIndiatobeincludedintheschoolsyllabusby1997.Whilethis was amove by themore secular Congress party tocurtailanyideologicalperspectivesbytheHinduparties,itwasseenasanattemptbytherulingCongresspartytoputforwardtheirversionofcontemporaryIndia.

The third recent Hindu fundamentalist attemptsto transform history as a narrative of Hindu religiousnationalism casting the “outsider” as enemy came withtheelectionoftheBharatiyaJanataParty(BJPisaHindunationalistparty)topower(1998-2004).In2000,NCERTwasaskedtodevelopaNationalCurriculumframeworkforEducationwithanaimtoinstilanIndiannationalidentityin schools aswell as for post-secondary students. Itwasthe revision of the entire school curriculum by NCERT

muslims in indian teXtbooKsTheBritish historiography of India had been largely

dominated by a religious interpretation reflecting acommunalperiodizationofIndianhistoryinpre-colonialtimes. NECRT textbooks have not been able to make aqualitative breakthrough from that tradition of Ancient,Medieval and Modern periods being identified withHindu,MuslimandBritishrule.However,NCERTbooksemphasized a harmonious relationship between HindusandMuslims.

AmovebypoliticalpartiesandHindunationaliststosocializechildrenintoanon-secularviewofhistorystartedin the 1950s that glorified ancient India and Hinduismduringthepre-MuslimperiodasbeingthepureandtrueIndia.TheMoghulperiodwasdepictedintermsofMuslimoppressioninwhichHindussuffered,Muslimswhostressed“religioussanction”ratherthanrationalismdrewattentiontothedevelopmentofanIslamicrevivalistmovement.ThefirstWarofIndependence(1857),alsoknownastheSepoyMutiny, had shown how dangerous the unity of Hindusand Muslims could be to the political authority of theBritish.TheGovernmentof IndiaAct the verynext year(1858)broughtanendtotheEastIndiaCompany’sruleandplacedIndiadirectlyundertheBritishCrown.Thenbeganthe policy of divide and rule, especially among HindusandMuslims.Somebooksrejectacrude“divideandrule”analysisinfavourofBritishattemptstoattractMuslimstotheirruleandthesimultaneousdevelopmentofaMuslimpolitical identity. The emergence of a Muslim politicalidentitywasalsoinfluencedbytheHindurevivalandsocialreformmovement,which developed to confront colonialruleandchallengetheimpositionofWesternknowledgeattheexpenseofindigenouscultureandknowledge.

TheidentificationofHindusandMuslimsasseparatecommunities came during the British period when thefirst census took place in India in 1872. With religiousidentity becoming the political identity, the creation ofthe communal problem through various means such ascreation of separate electorates forHindus andMuslimswasgreatlytotheadvantageofthecolonizers.Theinceptionof modernity and colonialism in India coincides withthe birth of nationalism and the creation of “minorities”(others). Despite the common “othering” of the Britishby initially unified Hindus and Muslims, ultimately thecolonizer’s ideaof two irreconcilable “nations”ofHindusand Muslims became real at the end of British rule in1947,withthebirthofPakistanasanIslamicState.Indiabecame a secular Republic. The nationalist governmentrecognizedtheurgentneedtodecolonizetheeducationalsystem, and the NCERT was set up with the mandatethathistory textbookspromote the ideological agendaofnationalintegrationbasedonequalityandsecularism.The

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treatedas“aliens”whoareathreattosecularization,thereis a change from openly negative treatment to a morebalancedview.

reFerenCes

Abu-Laban,B.[1980]Anolivebranchonthefamilytree.TheArabsinCanada.Toronto:McClellandandStewardLtd.GenerationSeries.

Abu-Laban,B.[1997]Arabs.InP.R.Magocsi(Ed.)EncyclopediaofCanada’sPeople:202-212.Toronto:University of Toronto Press.

OueslatiB.,McAndrew,M.&Helly,D. [2011] “IslamandMuslimCulturesinQuebecFrench-languageTextbooksoverThreePeriods:1980s, 1990s, and the Present Day”, Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society,3(1).

McAndrew,M.[1986]Études sur l’ethnocentrisme dans les manuels scolaires de langue française au Québec.Montréal:LespublicationsdelaFacultédessciencesdel’Éducation,UniversitédeMontréal.

McAndrew,Oueslati,M.B.&Helly,D. [2009]“Thecoverageof theMuslim world in Quebec french language High-school textbooks.”Revue Internationale Schulbuchforschung/International Textbook Review.30:445-465.

Mc Andrew, Marie, “The Muslim Community and Education inQuebec:ControversiesandMutualAdaptation”, inMcAndrew,M.,Ipgrave, J,Triki-Yamani,A. (dir.) [2010]TheEducationofMinorityMuslimStudents:ComparativePerspective.Journal of International Migration and Integration,11(1).

(under the direction of a BJP appointed Director) thatcreatedahugecontroversyalloverIndia.Historianswereappointedfromtheright-wingHinduparties(RSS,BJP)torewritehistory textbooksbecause the existing textbookswere alleged to have factual inaccuracies and biasedinterpretation.

The BJP party lost the elections in 2004 and thenew Congress coalition in power has moved swiftly toreplace history textbooks alongwith references to formsof “safronization” of the curriculum. Nevertheless, thefundamentalistforceshaveattemptedtotransformhistoryasanarrativeofHindureligiousnationalismwheneverithasbeenpossible.

conclusionBothinIndiaandintheprovinceofQuebec,despite

government jurisdiction over education, a variety oftextbooksareinuse.InIndia,sinceindependenceandthecreationofanational instituteofeducationandresearch(NCERT), history textbooks have attempted to focus onsecularism,socialismandequalitygivenacountrywhichisnotonlyverydiversebutalsoveryunequal.Butseveraltextbook controversies have revolved around differencesin communal and secular perspectives. InQuebec, untiltherecent school reforms,Muslimsand Islamhavebeentreated negatively in general. Although they are still

l’autre et sa rePrÉsentation: le traitement des musulmans dans les manuels scolaires au quÉbec et en inde

Le présent article porte sur le traitement desmusulmans dans lesmanuels scolaires du secondaireauQuébec et en Inde. Contrairement auQuébec, lesmusulmansdel’Indefontpartieintégrantedel’histoireséculaire de ce pays. Très peu présents au Québecavant les années 1960, les musulmans deviennentdeplusenplusnombreuxsibienquedenos jours, ilsforment la communauté religieuse non chrétienne laplusimportantedelaprovince.Enoutre,mentionnonsun autre contraste important: le gouvernement duQuébecestresponsabledesprogrammesscolairesdanslaprovincealorsqu’en Inde, lesmanuelspeuventêtreprescritsparlesÉtatsouparlegouvernementcentral.Les écoles peuvent utiliser l’un ou l’autre type de manuelouencorelesdeux.

AuQuébec,lesnouveauxprogrammesd’Histoireet éducation à la citoyenneté (HEC) et d’Éthique etculture religieuse (ECR) du niveau secondaire, quirelèventtousdeuxledéfiduvivre-ensembledansunesociété pluraliste, sont ceux qui traitent le plus desmusulmans,tantauQuébecqu’auplaninternational.En Inde, les manuels d'histoire du secondaire seconcentrent plutôt sur l'analyse des forces socio-politiques en présence et la recherche d’unificationentremusulmansethindoustoutenfocalisantsuruncertainnationalisme,lequelareprésentélecourantleplusimportantaprèsl’Indépendance.

Dans cette première partie réservée aux manuels québécois, nous présentons la synthèse desrésultats de l’analyse d’environ 70 extraits tirés de cinq manuels (dix volumes) d'HEC et de quatre manuels d'ECR (six volumes) qui portent sur lacommunauté musulmane du Québec. Les manuels

ratna ghosh and amina triKi-Yamani

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d’HEC abordent principalement les musulmans dans le chapitre réservé à la «Christianisation de l’Occident» en secondaire 2. Faisant l’objet de peud’extraits, contrairement aux musulmans d’ailleurs,les musulmans québécois sont présentés comme desimmigrants récemmentarrivés, attachésàdesvaleursetàdescoutumesreligieusesallantsouventàl’encontredes valeurs québécoises sécularisées. Alimentées parles controverses autour de l’islam et des musulmanssurvenues au cours des trois dernières décennies auQuébec, les perceptions négatives à l’endroit de lacommunautémusulmanesereflètentdansletraitementdecesenjeuxdanslecurriculumprescrit.Lesmusulmanssontainsiperçuscommeunemenacepourlalaïcisationencoursdelasociétéquébécoise,largementinterprétéecomme un processus d’élimination du religieux de lasphèrepublique.Pourne citerquequelques exemplesdecontenusdidactiques,lorsquelesvaleursreligieuseset laïques sontmises enopposition, ce sont les signesostentatoires islamiques qui sont cités en exemple;les photographies de femmes musulmanes illustrantcertains extraitsmontrent exclusivement des femmesvoilées; les extraits donnent rarement la parole auxmusulmanspourdéfendreleurspointsdevuereligieux,coutumiersoulaïques.

C’est dans le volet «Culture religieuse» desmanuels d’ECR, qui porte un regard privilégié sur lepatrimoine religieux de la société québécoise, que lacommunautémusulmaneduQuébecoccupelaplacelaplusimportante.Cesmanuelssontlesseulsàprésenterune histoire de l’immigration des communautésprovenantdepaysmusulmans.Ilsenfontuntraitementplutôt positif, voire neutre, des musulmans. On peutyconstaterégalementunchoixvariédesujets traités:l’énumération de mosquées réputées sur l’Île deMontréal, la présentation de personnagesmusulmanspouvant servir de modèles à de jeunes musulmansquébécois, l’énumération des interdits alimentairesde l’islam comparés à ceux d’autres religions, etc.Cependant, les occasions manquées de relier lesmusulmansduQuébecaucontexteculturelquébécoissontnombreuses.Deplus,lacommunautémusulmane,pourtant très variée culturellement, est décrite demanière monolithique. Elle est évoquée presqueexclusivement à travers sa pratique religieuse et sonorganisation autour des édifices religieux (mosquée,écolemusulmane,boucherieouépiceriehalal…),cequil’enfermedansuneimagedereplicommunautaire.

Dans cette seconde partie réservée aux manuelsd'histoireindiens,lesréférencesauxmusulmanssefont

entermesgénéraux,cequicontrasteaveclaspécificitédutraitementréservéauxmusulmansdanslesmanuelsscolaires du Québec. Grâce à une analyse critiquedu discours qu’entretiennent en général les manuelsd'histoiredusecondaire,ils’agirapournousdedonnerunbrefaperçudelaplacequ’occupent lesmusulmansen Indepour enfinmieux les situerdansun contextepluslarge.

Un problème majeur de l'analyse des manuelsd'histoire de l'Inde est la diversité des manuels enusage.Enoutre,rappelonsquel'éducationestàlafoisledomainedesÉtatsfédérés,desterritoiresfédérauxdel'Unionetdugouvernementcentral.Ainsi,bienqueleConseilnationalderechercheenéducationetformation(NCERT), créé en 1961, ait lancé la production demanuels scolaires laïquesàusagenational enmettantl'accentsurunpasséetunpatrimoinecommunsainsiquesurlesluttescollectives,leuracceptationdemeureinégaleàtraverslepays.

Les musulmans ont joué un rôle prédominantdans le développement historique, culturel et éco-nomique de l'Inde depuis le VIIe siècle et formentaujourd'hui environ 14% de la population totale.L’avènement de la modernité et du colonialisme enInde coïncide avec la naissance du nationalisme etl’émergencede«minorités»(lesautres).Qu'ils'agissede la politique britannique de «diviser pour mieuxrégner»,deleurstentativesdedominerlesmusulmansou de la renaissance hindoue et du mouvement deréforme sociale, l’émergence d'une identité politiquemusulmane à l'époque coloniale a bel et bien prisplace. L’établissement d’une Inde composée d'uneimportante minorité musulmane et d’une majoritéhindouea forcé la formidablediversitédes idées,desphilosophies, des sectes et des divinités à se fondresous une seule appellation: l’«hindouisme». Alorsque,durant lecolonialisme, l'identificationreligieusedes Indiens n’avait jamais été bien établie jusque-là,les livresd'histoireséculièresoulignentque,pendantle mouvement de l'Indépendance, tous les Indiensétaient unis contre «l'Autre», le colonisateur. Dansl'Indeindépendante,surlascènepolitique,lesgroupesrégionauxetlespartispolitiquesdoiventleuridentitéà leur appartenanceethniqueet religieuse.Pourtant,danslesmanuelsd'histoire,onnefaitaucunementionde mouvements ethno-religieux. Conformément aucadrenationaldesprogrammes, lesmanuelsmettentl'accentsurunprogrammecommunpoursauvegarderlenationalismeetlesvaleursdelaïcité,desocialismeetd’égalité.

Casting the “other”: the treatment oF musLims in queBeC and indian textBooKs

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the school integration of south asian youth in a francoPhone society: the role of the education systemmahsa bakhshaei, Ph.D. Candidate, Department of Administration and Foundations of Education, Université de Montréal.

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introductionThe history of South Asian immigration to

Quebec began around 1960 (Buchignani, Indra andSrivastiva,1985).CommonlyreferredtoasSouthAsians,this population is principally composed of immigrantswhose ultimate roots are in the cultures of India,Pakistan,Bangladesh,andSriLanka.Inthe2006census, 76,990 individuals in Quebec declared themselves asSouth Asian. Among them, 81.1% were born outsideofCanada, out ofwhich two thirds have arrived in theprovince over the last 15 years: 19.0% arrived from 1991 to 1995, 20.3% in 1996-2000, and 27.1% duringthe most recent census period, from 2001 to 2006(MICC,2010).StatisticsCanada(2010)predictsthatthispopulationwill double from 2006 to 2031 inMontreal.Consequently, issues of immigration and integrationformanimportantpartoftheexperienceofthemajorityofSouthAsiansinQuebec.

This paper examines the integration of SouthAsianyouth in French-language secondary schools in Quebec.The study of the integration of these students in Frenchschools is especially important because the QuebecCharter of the French Language makes it compulsoryfor them – as for all students of immigrant origin – toattendFrenchschools, even thoughSouthAsiansmostlyuseEnglishas their second language.Since theirmothertongueisofSouthAsianorigin,Frenchwouldthenbetheirthird language.Byhighlightingcertainfindingsofaveryrecentqualitativeresearchproject(Bakhshaei,McAndrewandGeorgiou,2012), thepresentarticlewillfirstdiscussthe state of the school integration of these youth, andwill secondlyconsider theroleof theeducational systemin this regard.Beforepresenting the resultsof the study,based on two quantitative research projects conductedundertheCanadaResearchChaironEducationandEthnicRelations (Mc Andrew et al., 2010; Bakhshaei, 2010), animage of different characteristics and the overall schoolachievement of these students will be presented. Thisportraitwillshowinfacttherelevanceofinvestigatingthe

qualityofschoolintegrationofSouthAsianstudentsintheFrenchschoolsystem.Inconclusion,wewilldiscusssomesystemicpracticeswhichmay improve the integrationofthesestudentsinFrenchschoolsinQuebec.

Who are the students of south asian origin in french secondary schools in quebec?

According to Bakhshaei (2010), in French-speakinghighschoolsinQuebec,thelargemajorityofSouthAsianorigin students are born outside of Canada, and theirmothertongueaswellasthelanguagespokenathomeisdifferent from their language of instruction. Moreover,themajorityoftheirfamiliesareover-representedamongthe population with a low socio-economic status. Halfof themarrived in theQuebecschoolsystemat thehighschool level, more than half entered high school withat least one year of delay, and 54.6% require or requiredFrench support services in high school. Moreover, onethird of these students are identified as suffering fromhandicaps,socialmaladjustmentsandlearningdifficulties(HSMLD), “at risk students.” All of these characteristicsdifferentiatethesestudentsfromthegeneralpopulationofimmigrantoriginandnative-bornwho,onthewhole,havemore positive portraits. The majority enrols in schools,andmainlyinthoselocatedinunder-privilegedandhighmulti-ethnic concentration neighbourhoods. Therefore,mostofthesecharacteristicsappeartoexertanimportanteffect on the educational performance of these students.Indeed,comparedtootherstudents intheFrenchsector,those originating fromSouthAsia (including both thoseborn inCanadaandoutsideofCanada)have thehighestdropout rate, evenwhenwe take into account their rateof graduation in amoregenerous time frame (four yearslaterthanexpected).Theyalsoindicateasignificantrateofdeparturefromtheprovincebeforegraduation,andtheirrateofenrolment isgreater intheadulteducationsector(McAndrewet al.,2010).

However, important variations emergewhen lookingatthedifferentgeographicalsub-groupsofthesestudents.

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theQuebecschoolsysteminsecondary1(theequivalentofJuniorHighSchool)orlaterinhighschool.Furthermore,according to their pathways in elementary school, thesocio-economic environment of their family, and theiragewhenenteringhighschool,severaldifferencesemergewhen examining the level of entry into the secondarysystem. Indeed,with theexceptionof studentswhohavepartlyorcompletelyattendedprimaryschool inQuebec,a large number of students of South Asian origin areidentifiedas“under-educated”(experiencingthreeormoreyears of delay compared to theQuebec standard), at thetimeoftheirarrivalinsecondaryschoolsintheprovince.

This ismostly thecase in themoreunder-privilegedschools – with the exception of whether they are 12 or13yearsold.Thelattergroupofstudentsaredividedinto“educated”and“under-educated,”whichlargelycorrelatestothesocio-economicstatusoftheirfamilyandtowhetherthey attended private or public schools in their countryoforigin.Withregardtothe“educated”students,afteramaximumperiodofayearandahalfinwelcomingclasses,they are able to attend regular or mainstream classesin secondary 1 or 2. It is noteworthy that, according toteachers of welcoming classes, despite being “educated,”thesestudentsremainabitlongerintheseshelteredsecondlanguage classes than do studentswhosemother tonguehas Latin roots. Students identified as “under-educated”spendanaverageoftwoyearsinwelcomingclasses.Theygenerally continue their studies in programs which aregearedtowardsvocationaltrainingoremploymentinsteadof college or university programs. When South AsianstudentsarriveinQuebecsecondaryschoolsat16-17years,accordingtoourrespondents,itislesscommonforthemtoachievefluencyintheFrenchlanguage.Afteroneortwoyears in welcoming classes, they usually either continuetheir studies in English in the adult education sector, orcompletelyabandonschool.

Most of the school representatives agree that SouthAsianfemalessucceedbetterthantheirmalecounterparts.Respondents identified cultural expectations placed onmales to contribute to the economic well-being of theirfamiliesasbeinglinkedtotheirhigherdropoutrate.

social integration at schoolIn general, the picture that emerges of the social

integration of students of South Asian origin in Frenchschoolsdiffersaccordingtotherespondents.Forexample,schoolandcommunityrepresentativessystematicallyheldmorepessimisticviewsthanthestudentsthemselves.Theyunanimously agreed that students of SouthAsian originsocializealotamongthemselves.Furthermore,theystatedthatmostspeakmainlyintheirmothertongue,andthenindecreasingorderofimportance,inEnglishandinFrench.

For instance, students originating from India tend tohave amore positive profile than those originating fromBangladesh and Pakistan. This trend is observed whenconsidering a number of variables, such as the familysocio-economicstatus,thelevelofentryintotheQuebecschool system, the age upon which students entersecondaryschool,theneedforsupportservicesinFrenchin secondary studies, the rate of identification as at-riskstudents,thetypeofpublicschoolattended,andtherateofon-timegraduation.However,despite thesedisparitiesbetween South Asian sub-groups, there is no lastingdifferencebetweentheirnetdropoutrates.

study overvieWThe viewpoint that school integration is shaped not

onlybyindividual,family,andcommunitycharacteristics,butalsobytheschoolenvironment,informstheconceptualframeworkofthispaper.Theconceptofschoolintegrationrefersnotonlytoschooltrajectoryandperformance,butalsotoparticipationinsociallifeatschool.

The data presented in this article was collectedthrough 15 interviews with 22 respondents (schoolprincipal(s), teachers, non-teaching staff, and students ofSouthAsian origin) in the two secondary schools of theMontrealschoolboardwiththehighestnumberof thesestudents.Inthesample,therearestudentsfromdifferentSouthAsian countries, both females andmales, born inCanada and outside ofCanada.The studentswere all inthelasttwoyearsoftheirsecondarystudiesatthetimeoftheinterviews.Membersoffourcommunityorganizationswere also interviewed, either because of their directlinks to targeted schools,orbecauseof the services theyprovided to a larger South Asian population.While thetwoselectedschoolssharesimilarities,theydifferinsomeaspects. Both are considered socio-economically under-privileged,butonemorethantheother.Regardingethniccomposition,themoreunder-privilegedschoolwasslightlylessmulti-cultural,butmorestudentsbornoutsideCanadaattendedthatschool.AsforthepopulationofSouthAsianorigin, itwas larger in themoreunder-privileged school.Inthatschool,thesub-groupfromPakistanandIndiawasdominant,whileintheother,thestudentsfromBangladeshandSriLankamadeupthemajorityofSouthAsians.

findingsacademic trajectory

Accordingtothedatacollectedfromourrespondents,it is difficult to describe a typical school trajectory forQuebecer high school students of South Asian origin.However,somesharedcharacteristicswereuncovered.Forexample,giventherecentestablishmentofthecommunityinQuebec,animportantproportionofthesestudentsenter

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existenceofethno-linguisticbiasesinsomeschoolboards,whichmayleadtotheover-identificationofcertaingroupsof immigrant origin students (including those of SouthAsianorigin)as“under-educated”atthetimeoftheirinitialregistrationinQuebecschools.Bycontrast,otherteachersmentioned that school boards are often reluctant toidentifyat-riskstudents,whichmayalsoleadtoahighlevelofheterogeneityamongthestudentsgroupedtogether inthewelcomingclasses.Aswementionedearlier,accordingto Bakhshaei andMc Andrew (Forthcoming), there is aconsiderablenumberofat-riskstudentsamongtheSouthAsian population in Quebec. This challenge is likelyevenmoresignificant inpublicschools located inunder-privileged environments that also suffer from a lack offundingrequiredtoimprovetheirprogramsandservices.

Finally, we were relieved to uncover the perceptionthat students of South Asian origin are not subject todiscriminationortoprejudiceintheQuebecschoolsystem.Ingeneral, therespondentsportrayedapositive imageofthisgroupofstudents.However,communitystakeholdersbelieve that someof these studentsexperience situationswheretheymaybeexcludedorrejectedinQuebecschools.Thesedifficultiesappeartobelinkednottotheirethnicity,buttotheirreligion.Forexample,veiledMuslimgirlshavebeenmentionedinthisregard.

conclusion and discussionThepoorrelationsofQuebecschoolswithSouthAsian

parents and community organizations have led, to someextent, to the teachers and school staffhaving very littleknowledge of the South Asian population. South AsianstudentsinQuebecschoolsareoftenoverlookedormistakenasbelongingtogroupsfromotherregions(e.g.SoutheastAsia), or are notwell distinguished on the basis of theirparticularethnicgroup.Therefore, itseemsthatteachersandschoolstaffinQuebecrequiremoreinformation,notonlyaboutSouthAsiancultures,butalsoaboutthelivingsituation in these countries and the family migrationprocess,inordertoachieveadeeperunderstandingofthestrengthsandweaknesseswithinthecommunity,aswellaschallengesexperiencedbysomeofthesestudents.Moreactivities designed to build relationships between home,schoolandcommunityorganizationsmayhelpschoolstafftoovercomethisobstacle.Regardingthelanguagebarrier,theuseofdocuments inseveral languages,aswellastheuseofinterpretersmaybehelpful.

Furthermore, while the Ministry of Education inQuebecandthelocalschoolboardshavedevelopedmanyinstrumentsaimingtoeducateparentsabouttheQuebecschool system, lack of knowledge in this regard remainsasignificantobstacletofullparticipationbySouthAsianparents, as is the case withmost immigrant parents. In

This was especially the case in the less under-privilegedschool.AlltheschoolrespondentsinsistedthatthereisadifferencebetweenthesocialintegrationofgirlsandboysofSouthAsianorigin.Themalestudentswereviewedasbeingculturallyfreerthantheirfemalepeers,andassuchwereperceivedtohaveagreaterchanceofintegrationintoQuebecsociety.

The community respondents also believed thatstudents educated in Quebec from the onset of theireducational trajectory, for example in the early years ofprimary school, achieve better social integration thanthose who arrive in Quebec in their teenage years andbegintheireducationaltrajectoryintheprovinceinhighschool.Asforthestudentsinterviewed,theyheldpositiveviews of the schools that they attend, but recalled someproblems faced by their peers in welcoming classes. Inparticular,theyperceivedthesestudentsasbeingisolatedinshelteredclasses.Furthermore,mostoftheSouthAsianQuebecersinterviewedinthelessunder-privilegedschoolshowed some resistance towards the Charter of Frenchlanguage, and they voice the wish of being granted thechoicetoattendQuebecEnglishschools.

the role of the school systemAccording to our respondents, challenges to the

integration of students of South Asian origin in Frenchschools in Quebec appear to be linked to three mainfactors:thegenerallyweaksocio-economicstatusoftheirfamilies, their late arrival to the Quebec school system,andtheirpoorknowledgeofFrench.However,ourfindingssuggest that some systemic factors may also impact theschoolintegrationofthesestudents.

One of the first explanations concerns relation- ships between the school and South Asian families. While all the respondents reported helpful, under-standing, and trusting relationships among studentsand school staff, teachers often complained about thepoor quantity and quality of their relationships withSouth Asian parents.They reported two main barriersto this relationship: communication difficulties relatedtotheparents’lackofcompetencyinFrench,andsocio-economic challenges of South Asian parent (especiallythe newly-arrived ones). Teachers also reported thattight budgets prevented these schools from taking upactivities geared towards building closer relationshipswith families.Moreover, there isnoorganization in theSouthAsiancommunitywhichworksintheeducationaldomain,orfocusesonfamily-schoolrelationships.

Another explanation for the poor performance ofSouth Asian students in French schools in Quebec isrelated to grading and evaluation practices performedby certain school boards. Some teachers reported the

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reFerenCes

Bakhshaei, M. [2010] La réussite scolaire des élèves issus de l’immigration au secondaire. Portrait des jeunes québécois originaires de l’Asie du Sud au secteur français. Research report submitted to the Quebec Ministry of Education, Recreation, and Sports (MELS),DepartmentofServices toCulturalCommunities (DSCC),QuebecGovernment.

Bakhshaei, M., Mc Andrew, M. & Georgiou, T. [2012] Le vécu scolaire des élèves montréalais originaires de l’Asie du Sud au secondaire: État de la situation et prospectives pour une intervention en faveur de leur réussite.ResearchreportsubmittedtotheQuebecMinistryofEducation,Recreation,andSports(MELS),DepartmentofServicestoCulturalCommunities(DSCC),QuebecGovernment.

Buchignani, N., Indra, D. M. & Srivastava, R. [1985] Continuous journey: a social history of South Asians in Canada. Toronto:McClellandandStewart.

McAndrew,M.,Ledent,J.&Murdoch,J.[2010]La réussite scolaire des élèves issus de l’immigration au secondaire. Research reportsubmitted to the Quebec Ministry of Education, Recreation, andSports (MELS), Department of Services to Cultural Communities(DSCC),QuebecGovernment.

Ministère de l’Immigration et Communautés culturelles (MICC)[2010] Portrait statistique de la population d’origine ethnique sud-asiatique recensée au Québec en 2006,QuebecGovernment.StatisticsCanada, 2010. Population growth in Canada. http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/91-003-x/2007001/4129907-fra.htm#a3.

this case, as in that of many other Allophones and/ordisadvantagedcommunities,developinginstrumentsthatrelylessontextbooksandmoreonimagesandsound(e.g.video clips) is recommended. It should be considered byschoolsystems.

SomethirtyyearsaftertheestablishmentoftheCharterofFrenchLanguage,itisperhapsanaïveassumptionthatall children of immigrants enrolled in French-languageschoolsfullyunderstandtheoriginofthislanguagepolicy.In this regard, initiatives aimed towards increasing thepositive image of the French language among the SouthAsian communitymay be beneficial, as this communityhastraditionallybeeninclinedtowardsdevelopingEnglishasasecondlanguage.Moreeducationalinitiativesbasedontheconceptofadditivebilingualism,oronhowthemothertongueandtheofficiallanguagedonothavetobeviewedas being in conflict, but rather as part of the linguisticrepertoireofimmigrantstudents,shouldbeconsidered.

l'intÉgration scolaire des jeunes sud-asiatiques dans une sociÉtÉ francoPhone: le role du système d’Éducation

Selon le recensement canadien de 2006, 76 990 Québécois se sont déclarés «sud-asiatiques»(Inde, Pakistan, Bangladesh et Sri Lanka). Parmi eux,81,1% sont nés hors du Canada, dont les deux tierssont arrivés auQuébecaucoursdesquinzedernièresannées.Ainsi,l'immigrationetl'intégrationfontpartieintégrante de l'expérience de la majorité des Sud-asiatiquesauQuébec.

Cet article s’intéresse à l'intégration des jeunesd’origine sud-asiatique à l’école secondaire de languefrançaise au Québec. Deux raisons motivent cechoix: premièrement, selon Mc Andrew, Ledent etMurdoch (2010), au secondaire francophone, cesélèves présentent un taux de diplomation très faiblecomparativement aux autres élèves. Deuxièmement,selon la Charte québécoise de la langue française,ces élèvesdoivent–comme tous les enfantsd’origineimmigrée – fréquenter l’école francophone, tandisqu’ils proviennent d’une communauté anglophile. Leprésent article, présentant certains résultats d'une

recherche qualitative récente discutera de certainsaspects de l'état de l'intégration de ces élèves et lerôle du système scolaire à cet égard. Les données ont été recueillies par l’entremise de 15 entrevues avec 22 répondants (directeurs d'école, enseignants,personnel non enseignant et élèves d'origine sud-asiatique)dansdeuxécolessecondairesmontréalaises,caractérisées par une concentration importanted’élèves d’origine sud-asiatique. Quatre organismescommunautaires ont été également interrogés, soiten raisonde leurs liens avec les écoles ciblées, oudesservicesqu'ilsoffrentàlacommunautésud-asiatique.

Aux dires des intervenants scolaires interrogés,une proportion importante de leurs élèves d’originesud-asiatiqueontintégrélesystèmescolairequébécoisau secondaire. Cependant, leur niveau à l’entrée ausecondaire varie beaucoup. En effet, à l’exceptiondes élèves qui ont fait, totalement ou en partie, leurprimaireauQuébec,lagrandemajoritédesélèvessud-asiatiques, au moment de leur arrivée au secondaire,sont identifiés comme sous-scolarisés, donc commeaccusant trois ans de retard ou plus par rapport à lanorme québécoise. Cela ne s’applique pas à ceux de 12ou13ansquisepartagententreles«sous-scolarisés»

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etlesscolarisés,principalementselonleurfréquentationd’uneécolepubliqueouprivéedansleurpaysd’origine.Lesélèvesscolarisés,normalementaprèsunanetdemien classe d’accueil, intègrent le régulier. Quant auxélèvessous-scolarisés,ilsrestentgénéralementdeuxansenaccueil.Cesdernierspoursuiventmajoritairementenformationsvisantl’insertionprofessionnelle.Quandlesélèvesd’originesud-asiatiquearriventà16-17ans,selonles enseignants, ils apprennent moins fréquemmentle français et, après un an ou deux dans les classesd’accueil,ilspréfèrentcontinuerleursétudesausecteurdesadultesenanglaisouabandonnerleursétudes.

L’intégration sociale à l'écoleÀ cet égard, les intervenants scolaires et com-

munautaires ont une vision plus négative que lesélèves.Ainsi,ilsaffirmentunanimementquelesélèvessud-asiatiquesonttendanceàseregrouperentreeux.D’après eux, ceux-ci se parlent principalement dansleur langue maternelle et par ordre d’importancedécroissant, en anglais et en français. Ils pensentégalement que les élèves scolarisés au Québec dèsle primaire s’intègrent socialement mieux que ceuxarrivés au secondaire. Les élèves interviewés aimenttous leur école et évoquent plutôt les problèmes deleurspairsenclassesd’accueil,qui sont isolésetpeuencadrés. Certains élèves interviewés préféreraientavoirlechoixdel’écoleanglophone.

Le rôle du système scolaireL'explicationsystémiquelaplusprobableconcernant

l’intégration problématique des élèves québécoisd’origine sud-asiatique à l’école de langue françaiseconcernelaquantitéinsuffisanteetlaqualitémédiocredes relations de l'école avec leurs parents. Selon lesenseignants,ceciestliéàlaméconnaissancedufrançaispar lesparents, à leursdéfis socio-économiques, ainsiqu’au manque de budget scolaire pour entreprendredesactivitésderapprochement.Parailleurs,iln'existeaucunorganismecommunautaire sud-asiatiquequi seconcentresurlesrelationsfamille-école.

Une autre explication systémique envisageableconcerneleclassementdesélèvesaumomentdeleurarrivée dans le système scolaire québécois. Certainsenseignants croient qu’il existe des préjugés baséssur l’origine ethnique ou la langue maternelle desélèves nouvellement arrivés, ce quimène à une sur-

identification des élèves sud-asiatiques comme sous-scolarisés.À l’inverse, certainsmentionnentque l’onhésite souvent à identifier comme handicapés ou endifficulté d'adaptation ou d'apprentissage certainsélèves nouveaux arrivants qui ont des troublesd’apprentissage,cequigénèreunehétérogénéitédanslesclassesd’accueil.Cependant,onpeutseréjouirde la perception très largement partagée par nosrépondants voulant que les élèves sud-asiatiques nefont pas l’objet de discrimination dans les relationsquotidiennesàl’école.

ConclusionLa faible relation des parents sud-asiatiques avec

l’école influence le faitque laclientèle sud-asiatiqueàl’école québécoise reste souvent invisible, confondueparfois avec celle d’autres régions ou non distinguéeselon ses pays d’origine. Des informations sur lasituationprévalantdanslepaysd’origine,ainsiquesurle processus migratoire des familles, contribueraientà une meilleure compréhension des forces et desfaiblesses au sein de cette communauté ainsi que desproblèmesvécusparcertainsdecesélèves.Davantaged'activités conçues pour renforcer les relations école-famille-communauté aideraient le personnel scolaireà surmonter cet obstacle. À cet égard, l'utilisation dedocuments en langues sud-asiatiques, ainsi que lerecoursàdesinterprètess’avèrentdespistesnécessairespourcontrerlesbarrièreslinguistiques.Parailleurs,lemanquedeconnaissancesdusystèmescolairequébécoisdemeure un obstacle non-négligeable à la pleineparticipation des parents sud-asiatiques. Dans ce cas,commedansceluidenombreusesautrescommunautésallophones et/ou défavorisées, il faudrait envisager dedévelopper des instruments moins livresques et plusdynamiques(capsulesvidéo).

Par ailleurs, après quelque trente ans de miseen œuvre de la Charte de la langue française, peut-êtreassume-t-ondemanièretropoptimistequetousles élèves d’origine immigrante scolarisés dans lesécoles de langue française comprennent pleinementles raisons derrière la politique linguistique. À cetégard, les initiatives visant à valoriser le français,particulièrementauprèsdesélèvesdescommunautésanglophones, peuvent être bénéfiques. Cependant,celles-ci devraient reposer sur la complémentarité etnonl’oppositiondeslangues.

mahsa BaKhshaei

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access to higher education among marginalized grouPs in india: obstacles and Promising avenuesnajma akhtar, Professor and Head, Department of Training and Capacity Building in Education, National University of Educational Planning and administration, New Delhi.

b.K. Panda, Associate Professor, Department of Training and Capacity Building in Education, National University of Educational Planning and administration, New Delhi.

Attaining higher education remains a challenge inthe developing countries. In India, the recent TwelfthFive-Year-Plan (2012-2017) places a great emphasis onachievinghigherenrolmentrateinhighereducationandthe target setby thegovernmentof India isofattainingabout18%GrossEnrolmentRatiobefore2017.TherecentYashpalCommitteeReportonrenovationandrejuvenationof higher education and the National KnowledgeCommission reports gave strong recommendations forenormous increase in Higher Education Institutionscountrywide in order to face the challenge of expectedhigher enrolments in the higher education and forreaching the less accessible groups of the population.Accordingly the Eleventh Five-Year-Plan has witnessedthecreationofanumberofcentralandstateuniversitiesandother institutions inorder topushmoreyouth intoenrollingintohighereducation.

an overvieW of recent develoPments in the fieldHigher Education in India has experienced a

quantum jump in the recent years, with a phenomenalincreaseinthenumberofinstitutions,suchasuniversitiesandcolleges.There isaswellasan increase intheenrol- ment of students. This expansion has resulted in India having nearly 611 universities and over 31,324 colleges,with an enrolment of 12.9 million students. Similarly, the participation of private institutions witnessed aquantum leap, contributing to 63% of the total highereducationinstitutions.

Theenrolment also increasedas systemsofdistanceeducation witnessed positive and higher growth. ThenumberofDistanceEducationinstitutionsincreasedfroma mere 10 establishments in 1975-76 to 144 institutionsin 2007-2008, with an increase of student enrolmentfrom2.3% in1975-76 to22% in2002-2003 at thehigher

education level. The conventional universities andEmployers recognize the degrees awarded by distanceeducation institutions.This resulted in a surge inhighereducationenrolmentrate.AcomparativestudyshowsthatenrolmentofstudentsinhighereducationinIndiain2007is12.85%whileitis25%inChina.Thisiscauseforconcernanddemandsurgentaction.

However, theGrossEnrolmentRatio (GER)which isatabout12%remainedamajorconcernforIndiaandtheGERs of women and backward classes remained muchlowerthanthenationalaverage.ThereforespecialcellsareestablishedinUniversities/collegestokeeptheinstitutionaware of imbalances in opportunities for marginalizedgroupandneedfortimelyaffirmativeaction.

the road blocKsIn spite of the increase in number, many higher

education institutions are crippled by either the lack ofadequately trained and experienced faculty or the lackof adequate infrastructure.This is impeding the growthof higher education in the country. There is a need forsystemicchangesandforhurdle-freegovernanceinorderto face the challenges of reaching the majority of thestudentsrequiringhighereducation.

table 1: student enrolment (2007)CountrY enroLment in (miLLions)

India 12.85

USA 17.6

China 25.35

Russia 9.37

Brazil 4.57

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vocationalization of higher educationThe changing nature of employability all over the

world has necessitated the need for higher educationprograms able to generate employment. Vocational edu-cation and training is the need of the hour. A positiveaspectregardingthisneedcanbefoundinthedemographyofIndia.TheyoungageoftheIndianpopulation,betweentheagegroupsof15-64years,resultsinalowdependencyratioandasubstantialworkingpopulationincomparisonto other countries. But this potential must be used byensuringthattheseagegroupsattainadequateeducationand appropriate skills in order to get employment. ThemajorityofthesebelongtoSC/ST/MuslimMinorityandalsotolowsocio-economicgroups.

Thereisaneffortbeingmadetogenerateeducationalopportunitiesinhighereducationandmoreparticularlyinthevocationaltrainingprogramsforthisenergeticyoungpopulation.Thisisdonethroughshortandmedium-termtrainingprogramsinordertoachieveaenrolmentrateof50%inthevocationaleducationsectorofhighereducation.ThisisessentialbecauseevenafterachievingahypotheticalGERof30%,therewouldbe150millionormoreyouthinIndiawhowouldrequirevocationaleducation. If trainedadequately they could fulfill the needs of countriesburdened by elderly populations like Brazil, Australia,Europe,USA,UKandothers.TheskilledpopulationwillbethebiggestassetandthechiefsourceofforeignfundsflowingintoIndia.

Themostpopularvocational trainingcentresknownastheIndustrialtrainingInstitute(ITI)andpolytechnicshave been opened at sub district levels and in the pasttwodecadestheyhavegrownsevenfold innumber from

The Government of India made sincere efforts inordertoimprovetheaccesstohighereducationbutthereare issues of quality and equity which still need to beaddressed.Studies show thathighereducation rates areassumed to be highest among the BRIC countrieswithall theothercountrieshavinglowernumbersofstudentteacher ratios (Brazil 13.6; Russia 11.0; China 13.5during the year 2000).However, themajority of Indianinstitutionsaresufferingfromalackofadequateteachingstaff in various categories asmost of these institutionshave large numbers of vacant teaching posts: 45% ofprofessorpositions, 51%of associateprofessorpostings,and53%amongtheassistantprofessorjobs.TheshortageofteachersinIndiaclearlyaffectsthequalityofeducation.Studies also reveal that the majority of the highereducational institutionsare facing severe infrastructuredeficiency with 48.76% universities and 68.58% of collegesfallingintothiscategory(AICTE2003).

The few very well funded and world renownedinstitutionssuchastheIndianInstituteofTechnology(IIT)andtheIndianInstituteofManagement(IIM)donotfulfilthedemandsanddreamsofstudentsinthecountryastheirselectionproceduresareverystringentandtheirintakeisverylow.Thisresultsinthelossoftalentedyouthtoforeignuniversities.Thesefew“elite”professionalinstitutionsarealsonotverysensitivetotheneedsoftheruralpopulationandmoreparticularlytothepopulationwhobelongstothelowersocio-economicstrataofthecountryandminorities.

the marginalized grouPsFor some sections of the society, the rate of access

to higher education is extraordinarily low. The biggestminority population (18%)– theMuslims—are themosteducationally backwardMinority in India. Only 3.6% ofMuslimsenrolinHighereducationinstitutions,andonly0.4%getadiploma/certificatewithtechnicalqualifications.InpremiercollegestheMuslimsrepresentonly2%oftheadmissions in the post graduate group. In Institutes of National Repute (IIT/IIM) the number of Muslims isvery low, representing between 1.3—1.7% of the studentpopulation. It is essential to ensure the educationaldevelopmentofthecountryontheworldmapthatthebigchunk of thisminority population is taken along on theladder of Education—to avoid the continued educationalbackwardnessofthecountry.

Another educationally disadvantaged group is theScheduledCaste(SC)andtheScheduledTribes(ST)forwhom,despite theconstitutional reservationpolicy,notmuchhasbeenachievedsincetheindependenceofIndia.

table 2: enrolment and ger (18-22 years)

nss 61st round (2004-05) nss 64th round (2007-08)

a) General and Reserved Categories

Groups Enrolment (000) GER (%) Enrolment

(000) GER (%)

SC 1,898.5 8.72% 2,485.5 11.54%

ST 767 8.44% 652 7.67%

OBC 5,027.4 11.48% 6,599.6 14.72%

Others 7,787.2 22.52% 86.6 26.64%

Total 15,480.1 14.19% 18,623.7 17.21%

b) General and Minorities

Muslims 1,308.8 8.5% 1,521.4 9.51%

Non-Muslims 14,170.9 15.1% 17,102.4 18.54%

Total 15,479.7 14.19% 18,623.8 17.21%

Source: NSS 61st and 64th Round.

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For increasing and enhancing access to Highereducation, a national program “Rashtriya Uchch Shiksha Abhiyan (RUSA)” is planned that will strive to achieve25% national level GER during the Twelfth Five-Year-Plan. However, it is up to the government to urgentlyplan strategies for higher education and implementthem effectively without loosing time. While planningsuch programs, the demographic conditions and socio-economicstatusof thepopulation,disadvantagedgroupsandminoritiesallneedtobetakenintoaccountsothattheprogramscanbewelldistributedamong thepeoplewhoneedthemthemost.For instance ifminoritiesare takenintoaccount,theMuslims,whoconstituteoneofthemajorminoritygroupswithinJammuandKashmir(67%);Assam(30.9%); West Bengal (25.2%); and Kerala (24.7%), needmoreaccesstosuchprogramsfortheirdevelopment.

The coordinated efforts by the higher educationinstitutionsestablishedinthecountryandtheinstitutionsimpartingdistanceeducationcanbringaboutthedesiredchangeintheoutlookofhighereducationinthecomingyears.ThiswillenablethefulfillmentoftheobjectiveofreapingtherichdividendsofthedemographicpotentialofIndia.Withwellplannedvocationalcoursestheskilledstudentswill findmore employment locally in order tofulfill the requirements of the industrial growth. ThiswillinturndrivethegrowthofIndianeconomyforwardand may result in attaining the much awaited doubledigit of economic growth. The skilled youth could getemployment opportunities not onlywithin India but inmost of the countries abroad and thus it canmeet theshortageof56.5millionofmanpowerduetotheageingofworldeconomies.IndiaandtheworldareeagerlyawaitingtheoutcomesoftheTwelfthFive-Year-PlaninitiativesinHigherEducation—whichmayputthecountryonthefasttrackofdevelopment.

reFerenCes

University Grants Commission [2012] Report on Inclusive andQualitative Expansion of Higher Education (12th Five Year Plan 2012-17),NewDelhi.

University Grants Commission [2011] Higher Education in India,Strategies & Schemes during XI Plan Period [2007-12] for UniversitiesandColleges,NewDelhi.

IndiraGandhiNationalOpenUniversity,RegionalServicesDivision[2008] Establishment of Learner Support Centres of IGNOU inMinority Concentrated Educationally & Economically DominatedBlocks,NewDelhi.

Annual Report 2008-09, Eleventh Five Year Plan, ILO-ITI of India[2003].

Turkish Online Journal of Distance Education, Volume 3: A Comparative Study on Current Trends in Distance Education inCanadaandIndia[2002].

1,080 institutions in 1982 to about 6,906 institutionsin 2009.The ITIs represent 43% of the total capacity invocational and training institutes in India and are easilyaccessibleforruralpopulationstoo.

Morevocationbasedprogramsinhighereducationarebeingenvisaged,basedontherequirementsoftheindustrialsectors such asmanufacturing and production,medical,paramedical and diagnostic services, hospitality andtourismservices,media,communicationandICTservicesetc. These programs have high quality and competencystandards under the National Vocational EducationalQualification Framework (NVEQF). This ensures thattheirstandardsareequivalenttothoseestablishedbyothercountries. Efforts aremade to integrate these vocationalcoursesas anadd-ondiploma tobedonewhile studying for a full time graduate or post graduate diploma in aregularUniversityorasvocationalsubjectstobetakenaspartofadegreecourse.

Through the distance education mode, vocationalcourses are already getting popular in India.The IndiraGandhiNationalOpenUniversity(IGNOU)andNationalInstitute of Open Schooling (NIOS) are offering avariety of Vocational education programs through itsDistance Education Centres located across the country– mostly targeting the educationally backward blockswhereminority population are located.TheNIOS has avocationalcourse–HUNAR–forruralandeconomicallybackwardMuslimgirlswherevariousskillsareimpartedby involving the community.This is taking place in theprovincesofBiharandDelhi.Theskillbasedprogrammesof theNationalOpenSchoolsaredesigned toenable thelearnerstopursueandcompletetheireducationandjointheHigherEducationthereafter.

higher education – challenges aheadLookingat theprioritiesof thecountryanddemand

for higher education, in the twelfth Five-Year-Planperiod, efforts should be made for proper planning andimplementation of higher education of India. Multi-modesof removing theeconomicdivide shouldbemadeasthepoorersectionsofthesocietyhavemuchlowerGERcomparedtoothers.Alsothesamekindofdivisionexistsamongruralandurbangroups.Thecomingyearsof2013-2020areverycrucialforthecountrytoequipitsmanpowerwithgoodqualityhighereducationandwithneedbasedvocationalcourses.

Raising theGER in Indiawould entail an additionalenrolment of over 26 million in higher education insti-tutions, and the hiring of onemillion teachers by 2020.Aconcertedstrategytoretainthebesttalentsforfacultypositions and preparing secondary teachers needs to beformulated.Itwouldalsorequirechangesinthestrategiesrelatingtoopenlearningandtechnologyenabledlearning.

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Social,EconomicandEducationalStatusoftheMuslimCommunityofIndia,AReport,PrimeMinister’sHighLevelCommittee,CabinetSecretariat,GovernmentofIndia[2006].

Governmentof India [2012]MonitoringCommittee forMinorities’Education (NMCME), Minority Cell, Department of HigherEducation,MinistryofHumanResourceDevelopment,NewDelhi.

FICCI [2009] Making the Indian Higher Education System FutureReady,FICCIHigherEducationSummit-2009,NewDelhi.

GovernmentofIndia,DepartmentofHigherEducation[2011]ReportoftheWorkingGrouponHigherEducationfortheXIIFiveyearPlan,MinistryofHumanResourceDevelopment,NewDelhi.

l’accès des grouPes marginalisÉs auX Études suPÉrieures en inde: obstacles et voies d'avenir

L'enseignement supérieur en Inde a exploséau cours des dernières années, enregistrant uneaugmentationphénoménaledunombred’universitésetdecollèges,ainsiquedunombred’inscriptions.Ainsi,l’Inde compte maintenant près de 611 universités etplusde31324collèges,etuneffectifde12,9millionsd'étudiants inscrits. Fait à noter, les établissementsprivés représentent maintenant près de 63% dutotal des établissements d'enseignement supérieur.De plus, les inscriptions ont aussi augmenté dans lesystème d'enseignement à distance qui a connu unecroissance phénoménale. Ceci s’explique en partie dufaitquelesuniversitéstraditionnellesetlesemployeursreconnaissent maintenant les diplômes émis par cestypesd’établissements.

Toutefois,letauxbrutd’inscription(environ12%)demeureunsujetdepréoccupationmajeurenInde.Eneffet,letauxbrutd’inscriptiondesfemmesetdesclassesarriérées est resté nettement inférieur à la moyennenationale. Par conséquent, des unités d’interventionontétémisessurpied,afinquelesuniversités/collègesrestent conscients de l’inégalité des chances entregroupesmajoritaires etminoritaires etde lanécessitéd'uneactionpositiveentempsopportun.

Cependant,même s’ils ont augmenté en nombre,les établissements d'enseignement supérieur sontparalysés soit par le manque d'enseignants qualifiéset expérimentés, soit par lemanque d'infrastructuresadéquates.Celaentravelacroissancedel'enseignementsupérieur dans le pays. Il faudrait instaurer deschangementssystémiquesetce,sansobstaclepolitique,pourarriveràrejoindretouslesétudiantsquisouhaitentfairedesétudessupérieures.

Bien que les diplômés des écoles secondairesseniors ne fassent pas tous des études supérieures,les membres de certaines minorités affichent untaux particulièrement faible d’inscriptions dans lesétablissements d’enseignement supérieur. Ainsi,

les Musulmans, qui constituent la minorité la plusimportante(18%delapopulationindienne),enregistrentle retard scolaire le plus marqué, puisque seulement3,6% d’entre eux s’inscrivent aux études supérieures.LesCastes répertoriées (SC) et les tribus répertoriées(ST) sont d’autres groupes désavantagés car, en dépitde la politique de réservation constitutionnelle, ellesn’ontpasréellementprogresséauniveauscolairedepuisl'indépendancedel'Inde.

Il faut cependant noter que l’un des élémentspositifs de la démographie indienne est le jeune âgedesapopulation.Eneffet,comparativementàd’autrespays, l’Inde bénéficie d’une importante populationactive,dontletauxdedépendanceestfaible.Maispourprofiter de ce potentiel, l’Inde doit veiller à éduqueradéquatement sa population et à l’aider à acquérir lescompétences nécessaires pour accéder au marché dutravail. Or, la majorité de ces jeunes appartiennentauxSC/ST,àlaminoritémusulmaneouàdesgroupesà statut socio-économique faible.Avec une formationadéquate, ils sauront satisfaire les besoins des paysvieillissants, comme leBrésil, l'Australie, l'Europe, lesÉtats-Unis, le Royaume-Uni et autres. La populationqualifiéeseraleplusgrandatoutetlaprincipalesourcedefondsdel’Inde.

Afin de répondre à ce besoin, des centres deformation professionnelle connus sous le nom deIndustrial training Institutes (ITI) et des écolespolytechniques ont été ouverts au niveau des sous-districts.Trèspopulaires,cescentresdeformationsontmaintenantseptfoisplusnombreuxqu’ilsnel’étaientilya20ans.Onprévoitd’autresprogrammesprofessionnelsen enseignement supérieur répondant aux normesde compétence et de qualité du National Vocational Educational Qualification Framework (NVEQF), quiassureleuracceptabilitéouleuréquivalenceauxnormesétablies par d'autres pays. On tente d’intégrer cetteformationprofessionnelle,donnantdroitàundiplômeadditionnel, à des études à temps plein au deuxièmeoutroisièmecycledansuneuniversitérégulière.Cetteformation peut aussi être suivie dans le cadre d’un

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aCCess to higher eduCation among marginaLized groups in india: oBstaCLes and promising aVenues

cheminementdepremiercycle.Lescoursdeformationprofessionnellesontdéjàpopulairesgrâceàl’éducationàdistance.L’IndiraGandhiNationalOpenUniversity(IGNOU) et le National Institute of Open Schooling(NIOS)offrentdiversprogrammesprofessionnelsgrâceà leurs centres de formation à distance dispersés àtraverslepays.

Lesprochainesannées(2013-2020)serontcruciales.Eneffet,lepaysdoitpermettreàsesfuturstravailleursd’accéder à un enseignement supérieur de qualitéou à un programme de formation professionnelle.L'augmentationdutauxbrutd’inscriptionentraîneraitune augmentationdes effectifs deplusde 26millionsdans l'enseignement supérieur etdeprèsd’unmilliond'enseignantsd'ici2020.

Pour accroître et améliorer l'accès à l'enseigne-mentsupérieur,unprogrammenational,le«RashtriyaUchch Shiksha Abhiyan (RUSA)», a étémis sur piedafind'atteindreuntauxd’inscriptionde25%auniveaunationalaucoursdu12eplanquinquennal.Lesjeunestravailleursqualifiéspourraientobtenirdespossibilitésd'emploinonseulementenInde,maiségalementdansla plupart des pays étrangers qui devront répondre àunepénuriede56,5millionsdetravailleurs,enraisondu vieillissement des populations. L'Inde et lemondeattendentavecimpatiencelesretombéesdesinitiativesdu 12e plan quinquennal en matière d'enseignementsupérieur,quipourraientbienplacerlepayssurlavoiedudéveloppementrapide.

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Public oPinion and media treatment of the “reasonable accommodation” crisis in quebecjack jedwab, Executive Director, Association for Canadian Studies, Montreal.

maryse Potvin, Professor, Faculty of Education, Université du Québec à Montréal.

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introductionIn pluralist societies, the coverage of issues related

tominorities and ethnic relations too often perpetuatescertainbiasthatcanfuelstereotypes,prejudicesand“racistslips” in opinion discourses. Even with a great concernfor objectivity, the media sometimes transforms publicdebatesonethnicorreligiousissuesinto“societalcrises”that can contribute to a state of “moral panic” amongstthe population. This might be described as what tookplacefrom2006to2008intheprovinceofQuebecduringwhatwaswidelyandundulyreferredtoasthecrisisover“reasonable accommodation,” a legal Canadian conceptdefining the room for manoeuvre of public institutionsfaced with requests from religious and other minoritiesforadaptingtheirnormsandpracticestotheirspecificities(BouchardetTaylor2008).

TheescalationbeganinMarch2006,afteradecisionfromtheSupremeCourtofCanada(theMultanijudgment)authorizing a baptized Sikh student to wear the Kirpanin a Quebec public school. In January 2007, the debatewas transformed into a crisis. On February 8th, 2007,the Premier announced the creation of theConsultation Commission on Accommodation Practices Related to Cultural Differences(Bouchard-TaylorCommission),amidanelectioncampaign,amediatsunamiandanincreasednumberofracializingdiscourses.

WhathappenedinQuebecinthisdebateonso-called“reasonableaccommodations”?Didthemediablowthingswayoutofproportionorwasitthecitizensandpoliticianswhodidthat?Doesmediacoveragereflectthetensionsandcontradictionsalreadypresentwithinasocietyordotheyprovokethem?

Thisarticleisbasedonthestudieswebothconductedduring this period: an expert’s report ordered by theBouchard-Taylor Commission, on media treatment andopinion discourses on reasonable accommodation in 2006and2007(Potvin,2008,2010),andmanypollsonthe

subjectduring thisperiod (Jedwab,2007,2009).Thefirstadopts a qualitative approach to analyze, day after day, the practices of the print media and the contents of 1,105 articles on event based coverage and 654 columns and letters published in five major Quebec daily newspapers, from March 1st, 2006, to April 30th, 2007. The second presents data from a survey conducted in August 2007 by Leger Marketing for the Associationfor Canadian Studies that offers general opinions of themedia’streatmentofthedebate.

Theaimofthiscomparativeanalysisistohighlightthedifferencesandthecomplementarityofbothapproachestotheanalysisofmediacoverageandopiniondiscourses inthecontextofahighlyemotionaldebate.

the qualitative study on media coverage and oPinion discoursesFactual treatment and media practices

Thefirstpartofthequalitativeanalysisdemonstratesthecentralityofthemedia’sroleintransformingthedebateintoacrisis.Itrevealsthatthiscrisiswascreatedbyaseriesofprocesses (AgendaSetting,FramingandPriming)andcommercialstrategiesofthemajorprintmedia,thatarefarfromsimplyplayingtheroleof“providingapublicspace”forreasonabledebateamongcitizens.

The study highlights the constant presence –artificially sustained–of thedebate in theprintmedia’sdaily coverage and the recurrence of “cases” (anecdotesrevealed as “exclusive investigations”) presented on frontpages that provoked a crescendo effect and led to thecreationof theBouchard-TaylorCommission.More than75% of the “cases” described by media as “reasonableaccommodations” were in fact private agreements,hypothetical situations or anecdotes. Some newspaperswent out of their way to break one story after another,thereby elevating a collection of anecdotal events to

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racism,intermsofinstitutionalization,or“crystallization”ofracisminthepublicsphere(votingforarightwingparty,callingupontheresponsibilityoftheelectedrepresentativestodowhatever isneededor to “takeahard line”).Thoseeightdiscursiveand“socio-cognitive”mechanisms,oftenunconscious,actasdifferent“levels”ofracismexpressions,andoftenoperatetogethertocreateaspiraleffect.Wherethereisco-occurrenceandapassagefromonemechanismtoanother, thediscourse iscrystallizedandhardens.Wehighlightedthat14%oftheeditorials/columnsand52%ofthe letters from readers of our corpus contained at leastoneofthesefollowingmechanisms.Amongthediscoursesofeditors,columnists,andintellectuals,thesemechanismswere most often found in articles about Hassidic Jews.Negative dichotomization was used predominantly tooppose the values of the majority (defined as “people”or “society”) to those of the minority, particularly ongenderequality.Inferiorizationinferredthattheyhadnotadaptedtomodernlifestyles.Manyassociatedrequestsforaccommodationwithfundamentalism.

Many letters from readers slipped from onemechanismtoanother.i.e.fromnegativedichotomizationimprintedwithsubordination(“DowehavetogobacktotheMiddleAgesbecauseoneparticulargroupwishesto?”)to inferiorization, demonization and self-victimization:(“they come to us to impose their values,” “they don’tintegrate,” “they exploit their privileges,” “they wish tobringus toourknees”), to thedesire forexpulsion (“TheimmigrantswhowanttoliveinQuebecmustadapttoourwayoflifeandnottheopposite.Iftheydonotacceptthis,theycangobackhome”)andpoliticallegitimation(ex.theappealsfromasmalltowntoabolishtheChartermunicipalcouncillorsandcitizens).Theracializingdiscourseswentthroughvariouslevelsbetween2006and2007,asiftheirtrivialization in the media sphere had legitimized theirprogressionandhardening.

the second study: measuring Public oPinion through surveys

This section considers whether the public approvedofthegeneralapproachadoptedbythemedia.Thepublicopinion survey employed here offers insight into thegeneralimpressionsofthemedia’streatmentofthedebate.ConductedjustpriortotheGovernmentannouncingthecreation of the reasonable accommodation commission,the survey revealed that 73% of Quebec Francophonesagreed that their society has been strengthened by thediversity of cultural and religious groups. However, 59%of the Francophone population agreed that QuebecimmigrantsshouldgiveuptheircustomsandtraditionstobecomeculturallyclosertothemajorityofQuebecers.

the rank of a “societal crisis.”Using a sweeping array ofpublic opinion polls about “racism among Quebecers,”dailyspotpollsand“exclusivenewsinvestigations,”thesenewspapersbeganconstructingissues,“storytelling,”and“agendasetting”forpublicdebate,forcingpoliticiansandcitizens alike to take a stand on these questions. Theirover-the-topmagnificationofeventshadahugeinfluenceon the political agenda during this period.The opinionsexpressedbycolumnistsorreaderswereoftenfoundedonanimpressionistvisionofthereality.

The way journalists framed their stories and theimportancetheyattributedtosomepointsofviewallowedthemtoinfluencethepublic’sunderstandingoftheissues.Twowaysofframingwereunmistakablyusedbythem:alegal-juridical frame and a dramatic-conflictual frame.The first misled the public by erroneously associatingprivate agreements with reasonable accommodations.Requestsforaccommodationwereoftenpresentedfromthe angle of “privileges” or abuses rather than citizens’right to equality or negotiated agreements.The secondframe was used in polarized interpretations of events.Itintimatedthatsomeminoritiesenjoyedprivilegesandthreatenedcommonvalues, therebyengagingreadersofthe majority in a victimizing reading of events. It wasassociated with commercial competition between thelarge Quebec media companies, leading to a race forfresh content, a distortion of reality, an amplificationofminorstories,andtheuseofrecurring imagesof themost“visibles”withinreligiousminorities(HassidicJews,niqaborburquawearingMuslims).

opinion discourses and discursive mechanismsThe second part of the qualitative study analyzed

opinion discourses—editorials, columns, and letters tothe editor—and revealed that half of the texts includedexplicitlyorimplicitlyoneofthefollowingracist“discursivemechanisms”ofouranalyticalframework(Potvin,2008):1) negative dichotomization between “us and them”(separating the true from the false ones, the good fromthebad);2)generalizationofbehaviorstoallmembersofaminority group; 3) inferiorization (“they donot evolve,theyaremarginal, they live intheMiddleAges”);4)self-victimization, the“us”beingthe“norm”comparedtothedeviance(theydonotrespect“our”standards,lossofpoweroridentityofthemajoritybecauseof“privileges”grantedto minorities); 5) catastrophism (state of emergency,apocalypticscenarios);6)demonization, fearofbeingthetarget of violence, of a demonic conspiracy or perversemanipulation(“theyarestrange,unpredictable,worrying”);7) desire to expel “them” (“go away”); and 8) appeals to political legitimization,whichconstitutesahigherlevelof

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NearlysevenintenQuebecFrancophonessupportedthe idea thatMuslimwomen should be allowed towearthe Hijab in public. As to the idea of Muslim womenteaching in a public schoolwearing theHijab some 33%of Francophones agreed with the idea andMuslim girlswearing hijabs in public schools is agreed upon by 36%ofFrancophones.ThereisalsoavariationintheviewsonaccommodationissuesrelatingtotheMuslimpopulationbased on the degree to which themedia is perceived tohaveexaggerated.

While a majority of those who felt that the mediaexaggeratedagreedthatMuslimgirlsshouldbeallowedtoweartheHijabinpublicschools,thatviewisheldbylessthan20%ofthosewhobelievethatthemediacoveragedidnot go far enough. Similarly thosewho feel themajoritycoveragewenttoofararesplitwhenitcomestowhetherteachersinpublicschoolsshouldbeallowedtowearHijabs.

conclusionBothstudiesdemonstratethatthereisagapbetween

inclusive and pluralistic “official discourse” on the onehand, and the persistence of public debates tinged withfears over identity and of racializing discourses on theother.Ineffect,theybothillustratethatthemediaplayedanimportantroleinthemannerinwhichQuebec’spublicunderstoodthedebatesaboutreasonableaccommodation.

Table 1 reveals that amajority ofQuebecers believethat the media acted in an exaggerated way about theissues associated with reasonable accommodation, with63% of persons under the age of 35 in agreement withthat statement compared with 45% of those personsover the age of 55. Some 67% of thosewith a university degreebelievethatthemediaexaggerated,comparedtoalittlebitlessthan40%ofpersonswithahighschooldegreeorless.

The survey points to a correlation between thepercentage of those agreeing on the fact the mediaexaggeratedandtheextenttowhichindividualsvaluethecontribution of diverse cultural communities toQuebecsociety. As revealed below in Table 2, the survey dataconfirmthatthoseQuebecersmost likelytofeel thatthemediaexaggeratedweremostinclinedtovaluethesocietalcontributionofQuebec’sdiverseculturalgroups.

Yet further insight into the mind-set of Quebecersis offered in the correlation of the views around theperceived exaggeration of the media and the degree towhichQuebecersfeltthatimmigrantsshouldgiveuptheircustomsandtraditionsandbecomemorelikethemajority.Those who were strongly or moderately in agreementthat the media exaggerated the issues associated wereleast likelytoagreethat immigrantsshouldgiveuptheircustomsandtraditions.

table 1: minority cultural and religious practices have received considerable attention in quebec recently. do you think the following groups have exaggerated, reacted appropriately or did not take the matter seriously enough?

reaCted in an exagerated waY

reaCted appropriateLY

did not taKe the matter

seriousLY enough

News Media 55% 30% 12%

Quebec Minorities 45% 31% 17%

Quebec's Majority 26% 46% 24%

taBLe 2

queBeC soCietY is enriChed BY the diVersitY oF CuLturaL groups

the media exaggerated the issues assoCiated with reasonaBLe aCCommodation

Strongly Agree

Somewhat Agree

Somewhat Disagree

Strongly Disagree

StronglyAgree 37.5% 19.7% 10.8% 9.7%

SomewhatAgree 42.6% 60.0% 43.6% 23.9%

SomewhatDisagree 13.0% 14.4% 36.0% 40.9%

StronglyDisagree 5.6% 4.5% 5.2% 23.3%

taBLe 3

queBeC immigrants shouLd giVe up their Customs and traditions and BeCome LiKe the majoritY oF the popuLation

the media exaggerated the issues assoCiated with reasonaBLe aCCommodation

Strongly Agree

Somewhat Agree

Somewhat Disagree

Strongly Disagree

StronglyAgree 15.3% 18.8% 24.8% 36.4%

SomewhatAgree 23.3% 27.2% 32.0% 36.9%

SomewhatDisagree 38.1% 39.3% 34.0% 21.6%

StronglyDisagree 22.8% 11.2% 6.8% 3.4%

taBLe 4

the media exaggerated the issues assoCiated with reasonaBLe aCCommodation

Strongly Agree

Somewhat Agree

Somewhat Disagree

Strongly Disagree

MuslimgirlsshouldbeallallowedtoweartheHijab in public schools

54.6% 38.2% 30.5% 17.6%

TeacherswearingHijabs shouldbeallowedtoteach in public schools

47.4% 36.0% 24.5% 12.5%

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The relationship between the views expressed in“direct opinion discourses” and public opinion surveys is a fertile ground for further developments.The quali-tative approach permits a better analysis of variousdiscursive mechanisms leading to racialization ofminoritiesandcouldinspiremoresophisticatedquestionsinsurveysandpollsBothapproaches,butespeciallythequalitative one, need to take upon consideration theinfluencesofcontextfactorsintheexpressionsofracism.A crisis context gives legitimacy to the expression ofintolerance,butwhetherthisphenomenonisgeneralizedand persistent is better assessed by quantitative, afterthe fact, surveys.Thus,bothapproachesshouldbeusedinacomplementarymannertoassessthestateofethnicrelations and intergroup perceptions, especially that ofmajoritygroupsincrisiscontexts.

reFerenCes

Bouchard, G. & Taylor, C. [2008] “Building the future, a time forreconciliation:abridgedreport.”

Jedwab,Jack[2007]“ReasonableAccommodationSeries”Associationfor Canadian Studies, September 10th. Leger Marketing for theAssociationforCanadianStudies,August8th,2007.http://www.acs-aec.ca/pdf/polls/11896246101669.pdf.

Jedwab, Jack [2009] “Plus ça change, plus c’est pareil: Opinion on Reasonable Accommodation, 2007-2009” Association forCanadian Studies, May 22th. http://www.acs-aec.ca/pdf/polls/12429694335765.doc.

Potvin, Maryse [2008] Les médias écrits et les accommodements raisonnables. L'invention d'un débat. Expert report to GérardBouchard and Charles Taylor, co-chairman of the Commission de consultation sur les pratiques d’accommodement reliées aux différences culturelles, Montréal, 228p. www.accommodements.qc.ca/documentation/rapports/rapport-8-potvin-maryse.pdf.

Potvin,Maryse[2010]“InterethnicRelationsandRacisminQuebec”,inChristopherKirkey,Rudy,Jarrett&Gervais,Stephan(dir.)Quebec Questions. Quebec Studies for the 21st Century. London: Oxford University Press:267-286.

On one hand, the qualitative study identified themainstrategiesandpracticesoftheprintmediaindealingwith the highly emotional character of the debate andanalyzed how the opinion discourses – expressed byeditors, columnists, intellectuals and readers in theirown texts and words – sometimes “slipped” and used“racializingmechanisms”inatimeofcrisis.Theanalysisofdiscursivepracticesbytheactorsinthedebatethroughtheexamination of the terms they employ permits to definehowelectedofficials, journalists andcitizensdefined theissuesandinfluencedoneanotherinthecontextofasocialdebate. These influences become more apparent in theanalysisofdailymediacoverage.

On the other hand, the opinion surveys allowmeasurement of the influence of certain opinions andattitudesinthecontextofanintensesocialdebate,butitwouldbedifficultforsurveystoidentifythestrategiesandpracticesof themediaonadailybasis that contributedtotransformingadebateintoa“nationalcrisis.”Opinionpolls are increasingly used by the media to reflect thedominantsocialorpoliticalissueofthedayandtoofferempirical support for the opinion discourses issued bymediaoutlets.Moreover,thesurveydataillustratedthatthe qualitative findings arising from a content analysisofopiniondiscoursesfromreadersorcolumnistsontheissueofreasonableaccommodationreflectedanimportantsegmentofpublicopinion.But,ifitremainsclearthatthemedia and the views expressed directly or indirectly in“publicopinion”oftenservedtoreinforceeachother,themediawasabletocontroltheagendaonadailybasiswiththeir selectionof letters from the public, the placing ofinformation at the top of the agenda and the ability to“frame” it for “sales objectives.” If the media exagger-ated during the crisis over reasonable accommodation,according to many citizens and journalists, it had lesstodowiththeopinionsofcolumnistsorreadersonthatsubject than with the media practices of “putting thesubjectonthefrontpage”onadailybasis,ofsettingittotheagendaandof framing itundera sensationalist andcontroversialangle.

oPinion Publique et traitement mÉdiatique de la crise des « accommodements raisonnables »

La plupart des analystes des médias constatentque le traitement médiatique des événements liésaux minorités et aux rapports ethniques n’est pasentièrement exempt de biais pouvant alimenter lesstéréotypes,lespréjugésetles«dérapages».Mêmeavecleplusgrandsoucid’objectivité,ilarrivequelesmédiastransformentdesdébatspublicsen«crisessociales»et

enétatde«paniquemorale»,commecefutlecaslorsde la «crise des accommodements raisonnables» auQuébecde2006à2008.

Les médias ne font-ils que refléter les tensionset les contradictions présentes au sein d’une sociétéou les provoquent-ils? Il est difficile demesurer avecexactitude l’impact desmédias sur l’opinion publiqueet denombreux travauxdepuis des décennies se sontpenchéssurcettequestion.Communedanslediscourspopulaire et journalistique, cette image des médias

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commesimple«reflet»delasociétéaétémiseencausedetoutesparts.

Toutefois,lepassagedu«journalismeinformatif»,qui valorisait l’objectivité et l’impartialité, à l’ère dujournalismecommunicationnel(etauxmédiassociaux),quirendcentrallecontactdesmédiasaveclelecteuroul’auditeur,ouquiplacecedernieraucentredudiscoursmédiatique,nousramèneencoreplusà laquestiondela«relationdialectique»entrelesmédiasetlespublics.

Danscetexte,nousillustronsd’abordlesprincipales«stratégies»etpratiquesdesmédias,avecl’exempledudébat sur lesdits «accommodements raisonnables»auQuébecen2006eten2007,etensuite,lesdiscoursd’opinion«directs»,c’est-à-direcequelesgensontditeux-mêmes,dansleurspropresmots,enécrivantdanslapresseécriteetles«blogues»aucoursdecedébat(quecesoitdeséditorialistes,chroniqueurs,intellectuelsousimples«lecteurs»),etlesopinionsdites«indirectes»,soitlesperceptionsetattitudesdesgens,mesuréesparlessondages,àpartirdequestionsconstruitespardesfirmesoudeschercheurs.Lessondagesparticipentaussi,évidemment, des diverses «stratégies» et pratiquescourantesdesmédiasdansuncontextedeconvergencedeplusenplusprononcé.

Dans un contexte de surenchère médiatique etde multiplication des discours racisants, le Premier ministre a créé le 8 février 2007, en début decampagne électorale, la Commission de consultationsur les pratiques reliées aux différences culturelles(ou Commission Bouchard-Taylor). La «crise desaccommodements raisonnables» a constituéundébatmédiatiqueintenseettendusurlesrapportsethniques,de 2006 à 2008. Il n'y a aucun doute que les mediasont jouéunrôlecapitaldans le façonnementdudébatsur l’accommodement des différences religieuses etculturelles.Lacristallisationdecedébatdanslesmédiascommenceàpartirdemars2006et se transformeen«crise»enjanvier2007.

Plusieurs journalistes ont contribué à nourrirla confusion, en amalgamant l’accommodementraisonnable, qui est une obligation et mesure répa-ratrice en raison d’une situation discriminatoire,avec l’ajustement volontaire ou les ententes privées,qui ne résultent pas de la violation d’une libertéfondamentale.Plusde75%des«affaires»rapportéespar les médias comme des «accommodementsraisonnables» entremars 2006 et avril 2007 étaientdes ententes privées oudes faits divers anecdotiques

montésenépinglepardesjournalistes.Lacouverturea non seulement été disproportionnée par rapportaux cas réels d’accommodements, mais plusieurs journaux ontmultiplié les affaires «dévoilées» dans unelogiquedeconcurrence,menantàunesurenchèreetàunemballementmédiatiqueLesdonnéesdesson-dagesd’opinionutiliséesdansnotreétuderévèlentquelesrésultatsqualitatifsreflètentunsegmentimportantdel'opinionpublique.Pourtant, iln’estpasévidentsilesmédiasontdirigél'opinionpopulaireous'ils l'ontsimplementsuivie.Uneconclusionpluspréciseseraitquelesmédiasetunsegmentimportantdel’opinionsesontrenforcésmutuellement.

Les analyses des enquêtes d’opinion sur l'ensem-ble de la période commençant avec la création de laCommission jusqu'à son rapport final (2007-2008)montrent relativement peu de changements dansles points de vue tenus par les Québécois autour desquestions dites de l’accommodement. Ceux qui ontété fortementoumodérémentd'accordque lesmédiasexagéraient les problèmes liés à l’accommodement étaient moins susceptibles de convenir que les immi-grantsdoiventrenoncerà leurscoutumeset traditionsalorsqueceuxquiétaientplusfavorablesautraitementmédiatiquesontplusenclinsàvouloirquelesnouveauxarrivantsrenoncentàleurscoutumesettraditions.

Les écarts étaient considérables, avec 74% deceuxmoinsportésàcroirequelesmédiasexagéraientet qui désirent que les immigrants renoncent à leurscoutumes et traditions contre 38% en accord que lesmédiasexagéraientetquipréfèrentquelesimmigrantsrenoncentàleurscoutumesettraditions.Cesrésultatsendossent la thèse selon laquelle les médias ont eumoins d'impact sur l'opinion publique que certainsobservateurs supposent. En fait il est possible queles québécois étaient plus concernés par le ton desmédias que par le traitement de fond (c'est-à-dire lesconclusions) des rapportages, même si nombreuxquébécois ont exprimé le sentimentque le traitementmédiatique des débats sur l’accommodement étaitexagéré. Pour leur part, les commissaires ont évoquéplusieurs exemples où la couverture médiatique desquestionsdel’accommodementétaiterronée.Larelationentrelesopinionsexpriméesdanslesreportagesetlessondagesd'opinionetlecomportementdelapopulationen matière d’accommodement est un terrain fertilepour la recherche future autour des débats entourantl'immigration,intégrationetl’identité.

jaCK jedwaB and marYse potVin

part 4Combating inequality and insuring equity

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equity and inequalities in india: multiPle realities and interPretationKarine bates, Professor and Director, Research Pole on India and South Asia, Department of Anthropology, Université de Montréal.

Priti singh, Assistant Professor, Centre for Canadian, US and Latin American Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

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introductionThemain argument of this paper is that in order to

havea successful strategy tofightpoverty it isnecessarytoidentify“whoarethepoor.”Simplyaimingatreducingthe material poverty without taking into account thecultural and political rights of indigenous peoples/castecommunities has proved to be insufficient. Numerouspoverty alleviation programs put in place over the lastfewdecadeshavegenerallyfailedtoimplementequalityofaccesstoresources—materialorsymbolic.Theseprogramsareoftenperceivedasnottakingintoaccountthenatureofaspirationsfordevelopmentpresentinacommunity,aprocesswhichwouldcallforanopeningtopluralism.Onemaywonderiftheefficiencyoflawsagainstpovertycouldincrease if, as a complement to equality, equity couldbenotonlyadirectiveprinciplebutalsoagoal.

Despite its frequent use in policy and planningdocuments,thereisnoconsensusonwhatequitymeans.Moreover, therearefewconceptualanalysesonthe issueof equity in the related areas of education, sustainabledevelopment and poverty alleviation. The writings onthe concept of equity were originally found in the legalliterature in the fields of property, contracts and torts.The legal development of this concept explains in largepartthereasonwhyitisdiscussedinthesecontexts.Ithasbecomeprominent inotherfieldssuchaseconomicsandhealth. To better understand equity, we need to refer towhatisgenerallyincludedinthedefinitionofequity.TheOxfordEnglishDictionaryprovidestwomaindefinitions:(1)equityisthequalityofbeingequalandfair;(2)equityreferstosomethingthatisfairandright.

The Latin æquitas was somewhat influenced in meaning by being adopted as the ordinary rendering of Greek epiky (πιείκεια (see epiky n)). It meant reasonableness and moderation in the exercise of one's rights, and the disposition to avoid insisting on them too rigorously. An approach to this sense is found in many of the earlier English examples.

Equity jurisprudence can be traced back soon aftertheNormanConquest of the British island. Prior to thedevelopment of the common law courts in England,the king had the power to determine the outcomeof alldisputes, based on his own conscience.These decisions,or writs, later became the common law and provideda pattern for the courts to follow. As the common lawcourtsandParliamentusedthewritstodeterminelawinEngland,theking’sequitablejurisprudencenarrowed,andtherequirementstobringacaseinthecommonlawcourtsbecamemore andmore specific, limiting the possibilityfor thepetitioners to seek theking’s justice.That iswhy,towards the end of the 14th century, the chancellor (theking’sprimaryadviser)beganhearingdisputesonbehalfoftheking,againmakingadecisionbasedonequity.Amongallclasses,therewasabeliefthatinthechancellorresideda general power to redress all wrongs if, for any reason,thepersoninjuredcouldnotprotecthimselfthroughthecommon law. Each case was determined independentlyandtheoutcomeswerenotbasedonprecedentdecisions.The goal of the chancellor—and later of the Court ofChancery—was to take all the facts into account anddetermineanoutcomebasedonfairness.

Theearlyusesof equitywere tofill gapswhen therewereno remedies availableunder thecommon lawor toreversetherigidityofthelegalsystem.Inbothscenarios,itwasacall to fairness.However, itwasoriginallybasedon theKingorhis representative’s conscience.Yet, therewasalwaysadesiretoconsolidateortosolidifyabodyofknowledgewhichwouldnotdependononeorfewpersons’consciousnessinordertorepresentalargerconsensusonfairness. Eventually, in contemporary state legal systemsbelongingtothecommonlawfamily,courtsofequityandcommonlawcourtsweremerged.Thatwasalsothecasein India,where theprincipleof equitywas “included” intheSpecificReliefAct.TheSpecificReliefActof1963wasanActtoamendlawsrelatingtospecifickindsofrelief.Itcouldbegrantedforenforcing individualcivilrightsandnot for enforcing penal law. In other words, equity wasintegratedinthestatelegalsystem.

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changes in the structure of society.” (Béteille, 1986). AsAndré Béteille (1986) underlines, the Indian concept ofequalitydoesnothavethesameindividualisticreasoningastheWest,becauseindividualsareconceivedasbeingapartofawhole.Hence,theconceptofindividualrightsalsoincludesanotionofduty(p.123).

In terms of poverty alleviation, what kind of accesstoresourcesandjusticecanbeconsideredtobefair?Theheterogeneity of answers to what should be consideredasequitabledoesnotonlyvaryaccordingtoculturalandreligiousbackgrounds.Moreover,multipleinterpretationsexist in every cultural identity. How is it possible thento ensure that the notion of equity, even when definedat a local level, reflects the empirical realityofdiversity?Is it possible to define equity only through a process ofdialogueswhichwouldbesolelyvalidinaspecificcontext?

governing the “Poor” in indiaThe Constitution of India contains extensive

provisionsforitsminorities,namelythescheduledcastes(SC)andscheduledtribes’(ST)righttodevelopment,andspecificallymentionsthesetwogroupsforaffirmativestateaction.ItisestimatedthatthetribalpopulationofIndiaisabout8.2%andthescheduledcastesmakeupabout16.2%(2001Census)ofthetotalpopulation,whichbyallaccountsisacolossalnumber.BoththesegroupsinIndiaareatthebottomintermsofthehumandevelopmentindex(HDI).Althoughthereisagenerallackofdisaggregateddata,percapitatotalexpendituresamongSCandSThouseholdsaregenerallylowerthantheaverageforallstatesinIndia.

Whiletherearenumerousarticlesthatrefertoboththesocial groups, two specificSchedulesof theConstitutionunderline the principle of non-discrimination againstscheduledtribes.Besides,forpurposesofspecificfocusonthedevelopmentofSCandST,thegovernmenthasadopteda package of programmes.Despite these constitutionallyguaranteed entitlements andpolicy initiatives, theplightoftheSCandSTremainhigh.Thispaperarguesthatthisis mainly because the Indian state has failed to acceptandapply theheterogeneityof theconceptofequityandhas not realized the importance of contextualizing itsmeaning within cultural contexts in order to deal withthechallengeswehavetofaceinusingittofindempiricalsolutionstoinjustices.

The history and cultural experience of scheduled tribes and castes are different even though they bothhave been economically relegated to the same lowerrungsofsociety. India’sresponsetotheneedsoftheSCsand ST is based on the welfare model of developmentwhich endeavours to empower both groups to benefitfrom modern development. It is felt that if tribal orscheduled castes have beenmarginalized they should be

Then, one may wonder what is left of the early process of requesting equity from below. Within thecontemporary process of defining what equitabledistributionsofmaterial and symbolic resources are, thecommunity perspectives on equity are seldomexaminedin the development literature in spite of the fact thatequity is central to community-based developmentefforts. In their study of community-based rainwaterharvesting in Rajasthan, Cochran and Isha (2009) clearly demonstrate that: “Equity persists as an ill- defined concept with its many, and contested meaningslargely unexamined. Specifically, the motivations, andpracticesofdifferentcommunitymembers,andtherolestheyplay incommunity-basedconceptionsofequity, arerarelyconsideredinphilosophical,orempiricalscholarshiponequity”(p.435).

This leads us to acknowledge that an interculturalapproach is necessary to grasp the subtleties of equityin various cultural contexts as a concept can never beconsideredwithouttakingintoaccountitsculturalroots.Inhis book, The Argumentative Indian,AmartyaSenexplainshowthetraditionofheterodoxyhadaclearrelevancefordemocracyandsecularisminIndia.Theinterplaybetweenheterodoxy and inclusiveness allowed the acceptance ofdifferent groups of persons as authenticmembers of thesociety throughout thehistory.Thosegroupshada rightto follow their own customs and beliefs. The Sanskritword foracceptance (swikriti)doesnot imply the ideaofequality but rather that different groups are entitled tolead their own lives.This interplay between heterodoxy,inclusivenessandacceptancecanhelptoreduceinequitiesincontemporaryIndiansocietybyeasingthepluralityofvoicestobeheard.Sen(2005)acknowledgesthat“voicesofdissent—socialaswellasphilosophical—haveoftencomeacrossbarriersofcaste,classandgender,andtheyhavenotbeenentirelyineffective”(p.37).

Intermsofthequestforjusticeandequity,heclarifiesthat:“ThedemandsofjusticeinIndiaarealsodemandsformoreuseofvoiceinthepursuitofequity.Theargumentativeheritagemay be an important asset, but its effectivenessdependson its use.Muchwoulddependon thepoliticaldeployment of the argumentative voice in opposition tosocietal inequityandasymmetry,andtheactualusethatis made of the opportunities of democratic articulationandofpoliticalengagement.Silenceisapowerfulenemyofsocialjustice”(Sen,2005).

The interrelationship between equity, diversity anddialogical tradition in India leads us to underline thesubtletiesoftheconceptofequalityintheIndiancontext.According to Ambedkar, “What was at issue was notsimply equality as a right available to all individuals butalsoequalityasapolicyaimedatbringingaboutcertain

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managementofthefood-basedschemes.Despitetheselegaldevicesbuttressedbywelfareschemes,designedtocheckthe marginalization of the tribal peoples and guaranteesecurity of land tenures to tribal communities, currentstruggles of the tribal peoples have coalesced preciselyarounddemands for autonomy, separate land legislation,andadifferentadministrativesystem.

Giventhenotionofdutyintheconceptofrights,socialjustice and equity is a major discussion point in Indianpolity.Recently,oneof themaindiscussionshascentredon revising the mechanisms to identify the “poor,” inorder tobetter target them.AnExpertGroupunder thechairmanshipofN.C.Saxenaoutlinedthecontoursoftherevised scheme in 2009 for identifying those eligible forsocialassistance(GovernmentofIndia,2011).Thisschemewasmoresensitivetovulnerablehouseholdsandfavouredgroupssuchasagriculturallabourers,destitutehouseholds,mahadalit castes, women-headed households and thosecomprised entirely of seniors (Roy, 2011).The oppressedanddowntroddenarecommonlyknownas“Dalits,”atermoften used interchangeably with the scheduled castes inIndia.Thenewcategoryof “mahadalits”wouldmeanthesuperoppressedinsociety.

ScholarlyanalysesoftheReporthavepointedoutthatthese methodologies treated the SC populations acrossstatesverydifferentlybutmoretosuittheirinclinationsandprojectedpoliticalbenefits.Inonlytwoofthestates(BiharandWest Bengal), was there any similarity in followingthemethodology–moreSChouseholdswereclassifiedas“poor” according to the 2009methodology as comparedtoformerestimates.ThatwastheonlysimilaritybetweentheSCsinWestBengalandBihar.Thestategovernment’sintroduction of the mahadalit category for the purposeofrecensingthepoorcomplicatedthescenario. InBihar,the SCs have been bifurcated by the order of the stategovernment into scheduled castes/dalits and mahadalitsin2007,ostensiblytobettertargetcommunitiesthatwerebackward. Over the years all castes in Bihar have beencategorisedasmahadalitexcepttheDusadhcaste,atypicalsurnameofthecastebeingPaswan.

conclusionsThe main concern here is with equity. However, it

is necessarily related to concepts and peculiarities ofcommunitydevelopment.Basictoanystrategythatwouldensure equity for all is a legal framework that takes intoaccountallpeoples’notionsandindicatorsofpovertyandtheirownstrategiestodevelopmentoftheresources.ThecritiquesbyAmartyaSenonthequestionofdevelopmentstrategiesandpovertyalleviationdounderlinetheneedforsuchan approachor recourse.Understandingpoverty intermsofdevelopmentofcapabilitiesandentitlementshas

compensated by welfare actions. This idea had evolvedinthefirstFive-Year-Plan inthe1950sandwasmodifiedover time through welfare programmes by differentgovernment committees such as the Elwin Committee(1959),ScheduledAreasandTribesCommission(1961).

In the1980sand1990sanewphaseofdevelopmentprogrammes called Poverty Alleviation Programmes(PAPs)wereintroduced.Thesecanbebroadlycategorisedinto four categories such as employment generationschemes (Integrated Tribal Development Project (ITDP),SwarnajayantiGramSwarojgarYojana);areadevelopment(Drought Prone Area Programmes); social security; andotherprogrammessuchashousing(IndiraAwasYojana).These programmes sought to aim at certain “targetgroups” such as scheduled castes and tribes, apart fromothers likewomen.Theseschemesweremeanttoexposethecommunitiestomarkets,andresultingproductscouldreceive monetary value leading to decline in poverty,unemploymentandmigration.

But while the rural areas did benefit, the tribalpopulation without access to even land and henceagriculture and its allied economic activities, were notable to receive any benefit from these developmentprogrammes. These programmes were unsuitable fortribes. Added to that was the government failure toimplementtheprogrammesproperly.Twokindsoftribaleconomies are identified in India:Hill or forest-dwellingeconomieswhichdependonshiftingcultivation,huntingand food gathering (North East and areas in Orissa,ChattisgarhandJharkhand);andplainorvalley-dwellingeconomieswhichdependonsettledcultivation,livestock,huntingandfishing.Therecouldbeathirdkindoftribes,thosedependingonpastoraleconomy.However,allthreeare based on self-consumption. In contrast, the nationaleconomy is based on industrial capitalwith investmentsin industries and constructionof dams, anddistributionof loans and subsidies to tribals to aid them in self-employment.Theaimisnationaldevelopment.

Whatisevenmoreironicisthatthereareimportantfederal enactments already in place to help assist thetribalpeoples in respectof their access to resources andany wrongful dispossession of land or interference withtheenjoymentofrightsoveranyland,premisesorwater.The government alsomade efforts to promote educationand employment opportunities for the SCs/STs throughprotectivediscriminationpoliciesaspertheconstitutionalprovisions and through scholarship facilities. Besides, insomeareas,independenttribalauthoritieshaveimportantpowers.Atthelocalgovernmentlevel,Panchayats, in which seatsarereservedfortheScheduledCastesandScheduledTribes,have increasingpowerover landacquisitionsincethe Panchayats (Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996, and in the

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equitY and inequaLities in india: muLtipLe reaLities and interpretation

reFerenCes

Sen, A. [1999] Development as freedom. Clarendon: Oxford University Press.

Sen, A. [1984] Resources, values and development. Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Sen,A.[2005]The argumentative Indian.London:Penguin.

Béteille,A.[1986]Individualismandequality.Current Anthropology, 27(2):121-134.

Unterhalter, E. [2009] What is equity in education? Reflections from the capability approach.Studies in Philosophy and Education, 28:415-424.

Governmentof India,MinistryofRuralDevelopment[2011]BelowPovertyLine(BPL)censustobeconductedalongwithcastecensusduring June-December 2011. Press Information Bureau release.(Retrieved May 19th from http://pib.nic.in/newsite/PrintRelease.aspx?relid=72217).

Roy,I.[2011]“New”listsfor“old”:(Re-)constructingthepoorintheBPLcensus.Economic and Political Weekly.XLVI(22):82-91.

Cochran,J.&Ray,I.[2009]Equityre-examined:Astudyofcommunity-basedrainwaterharvestinginRajasthan,India.World Development, 37(2):435-444.

anadvantagewhendealingwithdifferentcommunities.Hespecifically focuseson legal issuesof“entitlement” inthestudyofdevelopment(Sen,1984;Sen,1999).

Analysis of legal shifts with reference to naturalresourcesownershipandcontrolenableustounderstandhow, for instance, the decline in access to, and thedegradation of common property resources can resultin changes of ownership endowments, and consequententitlement failures. Thus, Sen underlines the role oflaws and legality both in bestowing and transferringendowments, and in providing an individual withentitlementstomeether/hisneeds.

DifferentcommunitiesinIndia,representingdistinctcultures, have their own perceptions and indicatorsof poverty and well-being as well as their own ideas ofstrategies for poverty reduction and equity.Nonetheless,these diversified concepts of poverty are often notincorporated in national strategies, thereby reflectingtheir general political marginalization. Therefore, thechallenge to development and equity is twofold: on theonehand,allpeopleshavethesamerighttodevelopment,resourcesand servicesasallotherpeoples;on theother,itmust be recognized that the nature of the aspirationsfordevelopment, resourcesandservicesof some (say thetribalcommunities)maybefundamentallydifferentfromthose of others (scheduled castes). To answer to suchimperativesof justice inacontextofdiversityandpluralvoices, the principle of equality should be balanced bytaking into account the principle of equity. Henceforth,developmentstrategiesmustthusbedesignedtoovercomethemarginalizationandatthesametimeensuretherightsofallpeoples.

l’ÉquitÉ et les inÉgalitÉs en inde: interPrÉtations et rÉalitÉs multiPles

EnInde,laproblématiquedelalutteàlapauvretéest indissociable d’une prodigieuse diversité descontextes et des conditions.Aux écarts entre statutssocioéconomiques s’ajoutent les écarts entre statutssocioculturels,avecentramedefondunfoisonnementde castes, sous-castes, tribus, groupes religieux ougroupes linguistiques, sans oublier la variété desconditionsgéographiquesetclimatiquesquerenfermele sous-continent. Au centre de cette lutte, nousretrouvons les scheduled castes (SC) et les scheduled tribes (ST), groupes identifiés de façon juridiquecomme étant particulièrement vulnérables et, cefaisant, jugés en droit de recevoir quelque aide de lapartdugouvernement–soit-ellematérielleoud’ordre

plus symbolique, à savoir, consacrée à l’améliorationdeleurstatutidentitairevis-à-visd’autresgroupesdela société. Les dalits, traditionnellement des castesintouchables, et les mahadalits, catégorie définieplus récemmentetquiengloberait lescastes«super-opprimées» de la population, sont aussi inclus danscette liste de groupes qui bénéficient de levierslégislatifs,politiques,etéconomiquesvisantàsoutenirleurcombatcontrelapauvreté.

Nombredepolitiques,programmeset législationsparticipant à la lutte contre la pauvreté en Inde n’ontpas suffisamment pris en compte cette diversité. Uneconnaissance insuffisante des variations culturellesduconceptd’équité est à la sourced’échecspratiquesouempiriquesdanslalutteàlapauvreté.Ils’agitd’unproblèmeàlafoisthéoriqueetjuridique.

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Danssonsensusuel,l’équitéconcernelanotiondejustice,demodérationraisonnabledesprincipes,deslois,oudes jugements.Mais c’est surtout à sa connotationlégale que le présent article fait référence. Dans lemonde anglo-saxon, son origine juridique remonteauxtempsprécédantl’élaborationdelaCommon Law, où le Roi pouvait juger de certains dossiers de façondiscrétionnaireet selon«sapropreconscience».Puis,avec l’évolution des cours de justice, les jugementsd’équités furent exercés par des représentants du Roidans ces domaines où la Common Law était jugéetrop rigide ou sans application pragmatique. Dansl’État moderne occidental, les cours d’équité furentincorporésàmêmelaCommon Law ;enInde,c’estentreautreceàquoivisaitleSpecific Relief Actde1963.

Suivant cette dénomination légale, il s’agit alorsd’un recours à l’équité venant «d’enbas», c’est-à-direvenantdescommunautésconcernéesparunelégislationdonnée, et qui souhaiterait en façonner le contenuou l’application pour mieux l’adapter à leur propreréalité.Pour ces communautés, l’équité constitueuneopportunité de définir la pauvreté dans leurs proprestermes, mais également de définir les moyens et fins dans leur lutte à la pauvreté. Pour Sen, la poursuitedu pluralisme en Inde s’ancre à même une traditionnationale, méconnue par plusieurs, d’acceptation etd’inclusion des différences, une tradition d’ouvertureet pour ainsi dire d’hétérodoxie. Sen rappelait que lemotsanskritsignifiantacceptationest«swikriti »,etneconnote pas tant l’acceptationpar tous d’unmodedevieuniformeetégalitaire,maisbienl’acceptationdeladiversitéetledroitdedifférentsgroupesdepoursuivreleurpropretrajectoire.

Force est toutefois de constater que la lutte à lapauvreté, en Inde, s’est souvent effectuée en dépitd’unereconnaissancedecesmultiplestrajectoires.LesPoverty Alleviation Programmes(PAPs)misenplaceparlegouvernementindiendurantlesannées1980et1990comptentparmilesexempleslesplusprobantsdecetteincompréhension de la pluralité du concept d’équité.Ces programmes visaient à redresser les statuts et

conditionsdeviedesSCetST,maisnedifférenciaientpas suffisamment les moyens et les fins de la lutte àla pauvreté pour les communautés concernées. Plusconcrètement,cesprogrammesvisaientuneexpositionaccruedescommunautésaumarché,puisauxvaleursmonétaires,avecpourconséquenceattendueundéclinde la pauvreté, du chômage et desmigrations. Il étaitimplicitement supposé que ce qui était efficace etsouhaitable pour les SC, à peu de chose près, l’étaitégalementpourlesST.

Or,lesconditionsdevie,lespratiqueséconomiquesetculturellesdesSTnepeuventêtreassimiléesàcellesdesSC,etnepeuventdoncsesatisfairedeprogrammesidentiques.Parexemple,plusieursSTnepossèdentpasdeterresagricoles,ouencoredédientunepartimportantedeleurtravailàdesactivitésdepêcheetdechasse(dansdes forêtsqu’ellespossèdentde façoncollective).Pources ST, par conséquent, une plus grande expositionauxmarchésne signifiepaspour autant undéclindela pauvreté. Même qu’une introduction aux marchéspourraitallercontrelesvolontés,c’est-à-direcontrelesfinalités,quepoursuivent lesSTconcernées.Plusieurstribus participent à une production autosuffisante etnonàuneéconomiedeconsommationtellequ’induiteparl’économiedumarchéetl’industrialisation.

En somme, si des différences tangibles peuventêtre observées entre les deux catégories générales surlesquellesétaientcentréeslesPAPs,soitlesSCetlesST,quepourraientàprésentnousrévélerdescomparaisonsentre différentes communautés à l’intérieur ou entrecesdeuxcatégories,sinondavantagedediversité?D’oùlanécessitéd’appuyerlalutteàlapauvretéenIndesurles définitions, stratégies et aspirations des acteursmêmes des communautés spécifiquement concernéesparteloutelprogramme.Ils’agiraitlàd’unmoyendemieux respecter l’équitédans sesmultiples variationsculturelles,etconséquemmentd’alleràl’encontred’uneconceptionmonolithiquedel’appareillégislatifindien.C’estdire,enconclusion,qu’ilfautdoncmiserenfaveurd’uneouverture,d’unpluralismedel’équitéetdelaloienInde.

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ethnicity and economic inequalities in quebec: an overvieWjacques ledent, Professor, Centre Urbanisation Culture Société, Institut national de la recherche scientifique, and Co-Director, Research Component: Integration of Immigrants: Spatial Factors, Economy and Cohabitation, Centre d’études ethniques des universités montréalaises, Montréal.

introductionDealingwithethnicgroupsinQuebecisnotasimple

matterbecauseofa lackofrelevantdataonsuchgroups.TheStatisticsCanadawebsitedoesincludeahugedatafiledrawnfromthe2006censusthatshowsa largeselectionof demographic, cultural, labour force, educational andincome characteristics for 101 ethnic groups. However,these groups represent a mixed bag of ethnic andcultural origins associated with the ancestors of censusrespondentsandthusareveryheterogeneousinnature.Asaresult,ratherthanlookingateconomicinequalitiesfroma strictly ethnic standpoint, I approach this issue fromadifferentangle,emphasizingtwodimensionsofimmigrantbackground: (status/period of) immigration and visibleminority(status/group).Foreachofthesetwodimensions,Iwillexamineeconomicdifferencesbetweenrelevantgroupsusingi)labourmarketindicatorssuchasparticipationandunemployment rates and ii) income indicators such astotal income andprevalenceof low income. Indoing so,IwillrefertotheCensusMetropolitanAreaofMontreal(in short the Montreal CMA) rather than Quebec as awhole, since the Quebec population with an immigrantbackgroundisessentiallyconcentratedinandaroundthecityofMontreal.Indeed,accordingtothe2006census,theMontrealCMA,which ishometo48%of thepopulationaged15yearsandoverlivinginQuebec,contains88%ofitsimmigrantsand91%ofitsvisibleminorities.Datafromthe2006censusfoundontheStatisticsCanadawebsiteareusedexclusivelyforthatpurpose.

The paper has three sections. Section 1 addresseseconomic inequalities among the Montreal CMApopulation for the immigration dimension, whereasSection 2 pays attention to the same inequalities for thevisible minority dimension. Section 3 examines furthereconomicinequalitiesforboththeimmigrationandvisibleminority dimensions—in particular, inequalities in theindustry composition of the employed population. Thepaper concludeswithabrief summaryanddiscussionofthemainresults.

the immigration dimensionOf a total of 2,967,700 persons of 15 years and over

residingintheMontrealCMA,693,400areimmigrants—that is, personswho have been granted the right to livein Canada permanently by the immigration authorities.Inotherwords,slightlylessthanonepersoninfourisanimmigrant (23.7%). But, whereas one (big) half (55.4%)of all immigrants residing in the CMA in 2006 arrivedin Canada before 1991, the other (small) half (44.6%)came in since, especially in the lastquinquennial period(2001-2006), which saw the arrival of almost one in fiveimmigrants(StatisticsCanada,2006).

Labour marketPanelAofTable1,whichislimitedtothepopulation

25-54 years old (reducing the population 15 years oldandovertothissubpopulationallowsonetocircumvent,to a large extent, the differences in age compositionexisting between the various subgroups related to thetwo immigrant background dimensions considered inthispaper).Itrevealsthatimmigrantsdonotperformonthe labourmarket as well as non-immigrants, especiallyfemales. For one thing, their participation rate is lowerby4%pointsformalesandbyasmuchas12-13pointsforfemales.Also,amongthosepersonswhoparticipateinthelabour market, immigrants are substantially more oftenunemployed than non-immigrants: twice as much formales (10.7%VS4.8%)andeven three timesasmuch forfemales(12.2%VS4.2%).

Moreover, for each gender the participation rate ofimmigrants tends to increasewithdurationof residence,although there appears to be a marginal decrease formalesbetweentheimmigrantcohortsofthelateandearlynineties.Inaddition,theparticipationrateisquitelowforthe cohort of immigrants who arrived in the 2001-2006period (about 8-9% points lower than for the previousquinquennial cohort), whereas immigrants who arrivedbefore1991,participateless(marginallyformen)andaremoreoftenunemployedthannon-immigrants.

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high income among immigrants than non-immigrants,especiallyamongthoseimmigrantswhoarrivedmorethanaquarterofacenturyago.

These income inequalities appear again in theprevalenceoflowincome.Aneconomicfamilyisagroupoftwoormorepersonswholiveinthesamedwellingandare related to each other by blood,marriage, common-law or adoption. A couplemay be of opposite or samesex. According to Statistics Canada, economic families(and thus their members) and persons not living ineconomic families, differentiated by size of family andarea of residence, are said to have a low income if theyspend 20%more than average of their after-tax incomeonfood,shelterandclothing.First,farmoreimmigrantsthan non-immigrants have low income: 21.3% VS 8.8%for economic family members and 47.1% VS 34.3% forpersonsnotineconomicfamilies.Second,thelongertheduration of residence, the less prevalent is low income,although the cohort of the early nineties fares slightlyworse than the cohort of the late nineties, for persons not ineconomicfamilies.

the visible minority dimensionInthedistantpast,immigrantstoCanadacamemostly

fromEuropebut, starting in the1970s, the geographicalorigin of immigrants shifted to the rest of the world,wherethepopulationispredominantlynon-white.Today,then, the majority of immigrants to Canada as well asQuebecbelongtothevisibleminorities.AccordingtotheEmploymentEquityAct(1986), intendedtounderpinthefederalgovernment’semploymentequityprograms,visibleminoritiesarepersonsotherthanAboriginalpeoplewhoarenon-Caucasian in race andnon-white in skin colour.Suchpersonsareclassifiedin10categories(Chinese,SouthAsian, Black, Filipino, Latin American, Southeast Asian,Arab,WestAsian,KoreanandJapanese),buttherelevantfigures released by Statistics Canada also include anundefinedcategory(visibleminorityn.i.e.).andamultiplecategory.Forsometimenow,theEmploymentEquityActhas also been used to support programs that promoteequalopportunityforeveryoneinthesocial,culturalandeconomiclifeofCanada.StatisticsCanadaalsopublishessome data with reference to population groups, whichdiffer fromvisibleminoritygroupstotheextent that theindividuals in the multiple category including a whiteresponse are allocated to one of the specific populationgroups(includingonelabelledaswhite).

Amongthepopulation15yearsandoverresidingintheMontrealCMA,448,300persons, or a 15.1%proportion,belong to the visible minorities. They are, however,unevenly distributed across the various visible minoritygroups, with size differences between groups reflecting

incomeAsfor incomeindicators,panelBofTable1paintsa

pictureverysimilartotheonejustdescribed.First,fortotalincome,medianaswellasaveragevaluesaresome$8,000lower for immigrants than non-immigrants: $19,400 VS$27,800 for median values and $28,300 VS $36,200 foraveragevalues.Moreover,forimmigrants,bothvaluestendtoincreasewithdurationofresidence,althoughthosewhoarrivedintheearlyninetiesappeartodoworse(slightly),notbetterthanthosewhoarrivedinthelatenineties.Asfor the values reached by the immigrants who arrivedbefore 1991, they remain well below the correspondingvaluesfornon-immigrants.Finally,adirectcomparisonofmedianandaveragevaluesoftotalincomebystatus/periodof immigration suggests that income ismuch less evenlydistributed among immigrants than non-immigrants,as well as among immigrants arrived before 1991 thanamongthosewhoarrivedhereafter.Inotherwords,thereis a comparatively higher proportion of persons with

status/ period oF immigration

maLes FemaLes

Participation rate (%)

Unemployment rate (%)

Participation rate (%)

Unemployment rate (%)

Total 90.6% 6.2% 81.5% 6.0%

Non-immigrants 91.9% 4.8% 84.9% 4.2%

Immigrants 87.7% 10.7% 72.4% 12.2%

Before1991 90.4% 6.8% 78.5% 7.8%

1991to1995 88.6% 8.8% 73.4% 11.5%

1996to2000 90.1% 10.4% 72.2% 12.8%

2001to2006 81.9% 18.6% 62.5% 20.9%

Non-permanent residents

73.7% 11.1% 58.9% 13.5%

b) Income indicators

status/ period oF immigration

totaL inCome ($) preVaLenCe oF Low inCome aFter tax in 2005 (%)

Median value Average value Economic family members

Persons not in economic

families

Total 25,161 34,196 11.7% 37.5%

Non-immigrants 27,782 36,204 8.8% 34.3%

Immigrants 19,414 28,269 21.3% 47.1%

Before1991 22,388 32,981 10.3% 39.4%

1991to1995 17,554 23,996 22.1% 52.1%

1996to2000 18,119 24,195 25.1% 49.6%

2001to2006 13,178 18,715 43.2% 65.2%

Non-permanent residents

10,815 22,557 38.8% 76.5%

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ethniCitY and eConomiC inequaLities in queBeC: an oVerView

theChinese andWestAsiangroups.Theunemploymentrate,however,exhibitswidevariationsaroundthevisibleminority average (12.0%): it ranges from lower values fortheChinese(8.3%),SoutheastAsian(7.3%)andespeciallyFilipino(4.5%)groupstoahighervaluefortheArabgroup(18.0%).Thus,theChinesegrouphasbothlowparticipationand unemployment rates and theArab group both highparticipation end unemployment rates, in contrast tothegeneralpattern inwhichahigh (low)unemploymentrate coexists with a low (high) employment rate. Thisgeneral pattern, however, is the norm for females withoneexception.Atoneextremeis theFilipinogroupwithahighparticipationrate(84.6%)andalowunemploymentrate(5.1%).AttheotherextremearetheArab,WestAsianand South Asian groups which have a low participationrate (58-63%) and a high unemployment rate (18-19%),as opposed to visible minority averages of, respectively, 70.6%and13.4%.Theformerobservationisprobablyrelatedto Citizenship and Immigration Canada’s program forlive-incaregivers(Guide5290–Live-inCaregivers,2012),whichmore or less guarantees its beneficiaries a job forthefirsttwoyearsfollowingtheirarrivalinCanada.Asforthelatterobservation,ithasitssourceintheculturalandsocialtraitsofthegeographicregionsfromwhichthethreegroups concerned originate (women with low educationareoftenconfinedtohouseholdwork).TheoneexceptiontothenormistheBlackgroupwithhighparticipationandaverageunemployment.

incomeVisibleminoritystatushasastrong impactontotal

income: see Table 3. First, its median value is about$11,000 lower for the visible minority population thanfor therestof thepopulation ($16,400VS$27,200),anditsaveragevalueismorethan$13,000lower($22,800VS$36,100).Second,boththemedianandaveragevaluesvarysomewhat among the eight visibleminority groups, buttheintergroupdifferencesobservedforthetwotypesofvaluesbearnoresemblance.Ontheonehand,theaveragevaluessettheSoutheastAsiangroup($26,000)apartfromtheothergroups,whicharesimilar(varyingfrom$20,200fortheWestAsiangroupto$23,100fortheChineseandFilipino groups).On the other hand, themedian valuessuggestawidervariationamongtheeightvisibleminoritygroups, from the West Asian group ($12,900) to theFilipinogroup($19,500),withtheSoutheastAsiangroupin themiddleof thepack ($16,900). Income is thereforeunevenlydistributedinsomegroupssuchastheChinesegroupandespeciallytheSoutheastAsiangroup,owingtothesubstantialproportionofhighlyeducatedimmigrantsfrom Vietnam who have a good job, especially in thehealthsector.

somewhatdifferencesinthetimingofarrival.Thus,Blacks(28%) come ahead of four groups with roughly similarnumerical importance—Arabs (16%), Latin-Americans(13%),Chinese(13%)andSouthAsians(12%)—followedbythree other groups with single-digit proportions—SouthEast Asians (8%), Filipinos (4%) and West Asians (3%).The two remaining groups (Koreans and Japanese) eachamounttolessthan1%.

Labour marketAccordingtoTable2,thedifferencesinlabourmarket

performance for the visible minority dimension areakin to those according to the immigration dimension.Just like immigrants compared with non-immigrants,visible minorities compared with non-visible minoritiesparticipate less in the labourmarket and aremoreoftenunemployed.Thedifferencesobservedarewiderformalesthan females, with orders ofmagnitude similar to thoseobservedearlier.

More interesting are the differences in theparticipation and unemployment rates observed amongthe eight main visible minority groups in the MontrealCMA. First, for males, the participation rate is aroundor slightly above the visible minority average for six oftheeightgroupsbutsomewhatlower(by4-5%points)for

VisiBLe minoritY status/group

maLes FemaLes

Participation rate (%)

Unemployment rate (%)

Participation rate (%)

Unemployment rate (%)

Total 90.6 6.2 81.5 6.0

Visible minority population

85.4 12.0 70.6 13.4

Chinese 79.8 8.3 68.7 10.2

SouthAsian 84.2 12.8 57.8 18.4

Black 87.2 11.9 78.5 12.8

Filipino 88.8 4.5 84.6 5.1

Latin American 87.5 10.9 71.1 15.0

SoutheastAsian 87.6 7.3 71.2 10.7

Arab 85.7 18.0 63.1 18.9

WestAsian 81.5 10.4 61.3 18.6

Korean 76.4 8.9 65.9 9.4

Japanese 86.9 7.5 64.6 5.6

Visibleminority,n.i.e.

89.4 13.3 72.6 12.3

Multiple visible minority

85.5 8.9 74.4 12.8

Not a visible minority 91.7 5.1 83.8 4.7

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more on interethnic inequalitiesTheinterethniceconomicinequalitiesjustcitedcould

well stem from differences in the socio-demographiccomposition of the groups. However, this is unlikelybecause those inequalities appear to be pervasive in a comparativeanalysisacrossimmigrationstatusofhowtwoeconomicindicators(employmentrateandlabourincome)closelyrelatedtothoseusedabovevarywithseveralsocio-demographiccharacteristicssuchasage,educationallevelandknowledgeoftheofficiallanguages(ZhuandBélanger,2010). In a nutshell, immigrants born in non-Westerncountries always perform worse than non-immigrants(andimmigrantsborninWesterncountries),althoughthegapbetweenthetwogroupsvariestosomeextent.Ittendstodecreasewithage, it ismuchlargeramongindividualsholdingauniversitydegreethanamongthosenotholdingone,andfinallyitiswideramongindividualsknowingbothofficial languages and even more among those knowingFrenchonlythanamongindividualsknowingEnglishonly.

Also worth addressing here are the interethniceconomic inequalities related to the various industriesin which the employed population works. The industrydistribution of this population does not vary drasticallywitheitherofthetwoimmigrantbackgrounddimensions.Still,therearesomeimportantdifferencesthatarebroadlysimilar for the two dimensions so that it is enough, forexample, to dwell on the differences with immigrationstatus (seeTable4).Someof thosedifferencespertain toeither gender. When compared with non-immigrants,immigrants are more often employed in Administrative and support, waste management and remediation services and especially in Manufacturing, although somewhatmore inthiscasefor females(14.9%VS7.9%)thanmales(20.6%VS16.5%).Bycontrast,theyarelessoftenemployedin Public administration. But other differences are sex-specific.Thus formales, there is a comparatively higherconcentrationofimmigrantsinAccommodation and food servicesandaloweroneinConstructionformales,whereasfor females there is a comparatively higher presence ofimmigrants in Health care and social assistance and alower one in Finance and insurance as well as Educational services.Althoughbasedon2001data,additionalinsightsintothedifferencesinindustrydistributionbyimmigrationstatuscanbefoundinCAMO-PI(2007).Ashintedearlier,similar differences can be found between employedpersonswho belong or not to the visibleminorities, butnevertheless there are a few peculiarities. For example,the comparatively higher concentration of immigrantspreviouslyobservedformalesinAccommodation and food service appliestothevisibleminoritypopulationforbothmalesandfemales.

The prevalence of low income is high for thosepersonsnotlivingineconomicfamiliesinalleightvisibleminority groups, varying relatively little from 52.1% fortheSoutheastAsiangroupto66.5%fortheChinesegroup,versus34.7%forthewhitepopulationgroup.Itis,however,somewhatlessforeconomicfamilymembers,althoughthecorrespondingprevalence ratediffersmuchmoreamonggroups, ranging from 12.0% for the Filipino group to38.5%fortheWestAsiangroup,versus8.0%forthewhitepopulationgroup.

status/ period oF immigration

totaL inCome ($) preVaLenCe oF Low inCome aFter tax in 2005 (%)

Median value Average value Economic family members

Persons not in economic

families

Total 25,161 34,196 11.7% 37.5%

Visible minority population

16,391 22,848 - -

Chinese 14,789 23,130 26.8% 66.5%

SouthAsian 15,361 22,434 33.0% 58.9%

Black 18,109 22,701 26.1% 55.4%

Filipino 19,497 23,105 12.0% 54.5%

Latin American 17,144 21,168 27.3% 59.3%

SoutheastAsian 16,857 26,017 21.3% 52.1%

Arab 14,669 22,590 36.5% 64.5%

WestAsian 12,949 20,225 38.5% 61.6%

Korean 12,560 10,018 32.6% 74.8%

Japanese 17,367 46,070 20.6% 47.2%

Visibleminority,n.i.e.

18,259 22,608 - -

Multiple visible minority

17,556 24,424 - -

Not a visible minority 27,205 36,126 8.0% 34.7%

Source: Statistics Canada, 2006 Census of Population Total Income: Catalogue number 97-563-XCB2006007 Prevalence of low income: Catalogue number 97-564-XCB2006009

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immigrants.Itsohappenedthat,inthewakeofthe1970sshiftintheoriginoftheimmigrantsfromEuropetotherestoftheworld,thatthoseimmigrantsborninseveralgroupsofcountriesmoreorlessassociatedwiththevariousvisibleminoritygroupsbegantoexperienceeconomicdifficulties,whicharewelldocumentedasearlyas1986(Labelleet al., 2007) and especially 1991 (CCCI, 1993).This resulted ina deterioration of the economic situation of immigrantsvis-à-vis non-immigrants which, besides leading to thereversal already mentioned, has continued unabated tothisday.Reasonsforthisdeteriorationarenumerousandthus cannot be easily summarized here. Nevertheless,globalizationisprobablythemainculprit,becauseitledtoasubstantialreductionintheneedforunqualifiedworkers(traditionallyimmigrants)and,fromthere,toashiftintheselection of immigration. Frombeing tied to professionsin demand (whichmagnified an immigrant’s chances ofgettingajob),suchselectionmovedtoemphasizinghumancapital,thusmakingitmoredifficultforanimmigranttolandajob,owingtolackingrecognitionofcredentialsandworkexperiencecomingontopofcreepingdiscriminationassociatedwithbeingamemberofthevisibleminorities.Thisdifficulty,however, tends todiminishwithdurationofresidence,althoughmoreor lessrapidlyaccording thevisibleminoritygroup(Renaudet al.,2003).

Thisbeing said, the longer thedurationof residenceof immigrants (the earlier the period of immigration),the better is their economic situation, although thoseimmigrantswhoarrivedintheearlyninetiesappeartodomarginally worse on some indicators (especially incomeindicators) than those who arrived in the late nineties.Moreover,themorerecentimmigrants,thosewhoarrivedbetween 2001 and 2006, perform substantially lessthan those arrived in the previous quinquennial period.Interestingly, these two underachieving cohorts are alsocohortswithacomparativelyhighervolumesothatonecanhypothesizethattheireconomicdifficultiesaresomewhatlinked to a labour supply that is too large for a labourdemandwhichtypicallyrequirestimetoadjustitselftotheshockintroducedintheeconomicsystem.

Finally,giventheeconomicdifficultiesencounteredbytheimmigrantscomingfromcountriesassociatedwiththevariousvisibleminoritygroups,theinequalitiesobservedforthevisibleminoritydimensionareevenmoremanifestthanfortheimmigrationdimension.Belongingtoavisibleminorityleadstoalowereconomicperformancewithwideintergroupdisparities.But,althoughthesedisparitiesmayvarywiththeindicatorused,theFilipinogroupisgenerallyontopandtheWestAsiangroupatornearthebottom.

summary and discussionIn2006,theeconomicinequalitiesfortheimmigration

dimensionintheMontrealCMApopulation(andthustheQuebecpopulation)areclear: immigrantsarenotaswelloffasnon-immigrants.But thiswasnotalways thecase.Asrecentlyas1981(CousineauandBoudarbat,2009)andeven1986 (Labelleet al., 2007), the situationwas totallythe opposite with immigrants faring better than non-

industrYmaLes FemaLes

Non-immigrants Immigrants Non-

immigrants Immigrants

All industries 100 100 100 100

11Agriculture,forestry,fishingandhunting 0.6 0.5 0.4 0.2

21Miningandoil andgasextraction 0.2 0.1 0.0 0.0

22Utilities 1.2 0.4 0.7 0.2

23Construction 8.7 4.3 1.4 0.7

31-33Manufacturing 16.5 20.6 7.9 14.9

41Wholesaletrade 6.9 6.6 4.1 5.1

44-45Retailtrade 11.3 10.2 13.7 11.6

48-49Transportationandwarehousing 7.2 6.8 2.7 2.2

51Informationandculturalindustries 4.0 3.3 3.7 2.5

52Financeandinsurance 3.4 2.9 6.4 4.9

53Realestateand rentalandleasing 2.0 2.0 1.6 1.7

54Professional,scientificandtechnical services

8.7 9.8 7.6 7.5

55Management ofcompanies andenterprises

0.1 0.1 0.2 0.2

56Administrativeandsupport,wastemanagementandremediationservices

4.4 6.0 3.2 5.2

61Educationalservices 4.4 4.8 10.3 8.0

62Healthcareandsocial assistance 4.5 4.2 17.4 18.9

71Arts,entertainmentandrecreation 2.4 1.4 2.4 1.2

72Accommodation andfoodservices 4.5 9.1 6.1 7.0

81Otherservices(exceptpublicadministration)

4.0 4.6 5.0 5.7

91Publicadministration 5.1 2.3 5.0 2.5

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CCCI. [1993] L’immigration et le marché du travail. Un état de la question.Montréal:Québec,Conseildescommunautésculturellesetdel’immigration.

Renaud, J., Piché, V. & Godin, J.-F. [2003] L’origine nationale etl’insertionéconomiquedesimmigrantsaucoursdeleursdixpremièresannéesauQuébec.Sociologie et sociétés,35(1):165-184.

Statistics Canada, 2006 Census of Population, Catalogue number 97-562-XCB2006017.

Zhu,N.&Bélanger,A. [2010]L’emploi et le revenu des immigrants à Montréal: analyse des données du recensement de 2006. Rapport d’étude No3 remis à Emploi-Québec. Montréal: INRS,Centre-Urbanisation,CultureetSociété.

reFerenCes

CAMO-PI. [2007] Portrait de la situation des personnes actives salariées dans l’ensemble des secteurs d’activité économique pour la région métropolitaine de Montréal et l’île de Montréal: résultats d’une analyse statistique.Montréal:Comitéd’adaptationdelamaind’œuvre–Personnesimmigrantes.

Cousineau,J.-M.&Boudarbat,B.[2009]Lasituationéconomiquedesimmigrants au Québec. Relations industrielles/Industrial relations, 64(2):230-249.

Labelle, M., Field, A.-M. & Icart, J.-C. [2007] Les dimensions d’intégration des immigrants, des minorités ethnoculturelles et des groups racisés au Québec. Document de travail présenté à laCommission de consultation sur les pratiques d’accommodementreliéesauxdifférencesculturelles,Québec.

ethnicitÉ et inÉgalitÉs Économiques au quÉbec: un aPerÇu

Les données existantes permettent difficilementd’analyser d’un point de vue strictement ethniqueles inégalités économiques chez les personnes issuesde l’immigration. Aussi cet article aborde-t-il laquestionenréférenceauxdeuxprincipalesdimensionsde l’origine immigrée, soit le statut (et la période)d’immigration et le statut (et le groupe) de minoritévisible.Àceteffet, il examine lesécartsaffichésentreles divers groupes associés à chacune de ces deuxdimensions par plusieurs indicateurs économiquesliésaumarchédutravailetaurevenu.Cetexamenfaitappelauxdonnéesdurecensementde2006relativesàlaRégionMétropolitainedeRecensementdeMontréal(ci-aprèslaRMRdeMontréal)quiabritelatrèsgrandemajoritédelapopulationquébécoisede15ansetplusissue de l’immigration: neuf personnes sur dix, tantpour les immigrants que les personnes appartenant àuneminoritévisible.

statut/période d’immigrationDans la RMR de Montréal, près d’une personne

sur quatre (24%) est un immigrant, c’est-à-dire unepersonne ayant obtenu des autorités compétentes ledroit de s’établir au Canada demanière permanente.Mais,alorsqueplusdelamoitiédesimmigrants(55%)sontarrivésauCanadaavant1991,moinsdelamoitiésontarrivésaprèscettedate,surtoutlorsdeladernièrepériode quinquennale (2001-2006) qui a vu l’entréedeprèsd’un immigrantsurcinq.Si l’ons’entientà lapopulation des 25-54 ans (afin de réduire l’influencede la structure par âge), il appert que les immigrantsparticipentmoinssouventaumarchédutravailetsontplus souvent en chômage que les non-immigrants etce,bienpluschezlesfemmesquechezleshommes.De

plus,letauxdeparticipationdesimmigrantsaugmentetandisqueleurtauxdechômagediminueavecladuréed’établissement.Cependant,lesimmigrantsmasculinsarrivésdanslapremièremoitiédesannéesquatre-vingt-dixontuntauxdeparticipationmoinsélevéqueceuxarrivésdanslasecondemoitiédelamêmedécennie.Detels écarts intergroupes s’observent également face aurevenudes15ansetplus,qu’ils’agissedurevenutotaldesindividusoudelaprévalencedufaiblerevenuchezlesfamilleséconomiques(etlespersonnesquiyvivent)etchez lespersonnesvivanthors familleéconomique.SelonStatistiqueCanada,lesfamilleséconomiques(etlespersonnesquiyvivent)etlespersonnesvivanthorsfamilleéconomique,différenciéessuivantlatailledelafamilleetlelieuderésidence,sontconsidéréescommeayantunfaiblerevenusiellesconsacrentàlanourriture,le logement et l’habillement une proportion de leurrevenu après impôt 20% plus élevée que lamoyenne.Une famille économique est un groupe de deuxpersonnesouplusliéesparlesang,lemariage,l’unionlibreoul’adoptionquirésidentdansunmêmelogement.En effet, les immigrants performent moins bien quelesnon-immigrants.Deplus, leurperformance tendàs’améliorer avec la durée d’établissement, quoiqu’elles’inverse entre les deux moitiés des années quatre-vingt-dix. Par ailleurs, la comparaison directe desvaleurs moyenne et médiane du revenu total suggèrequecetindicateurestplusinégalementrépartichezlesimmigrantsquechezlesnon-immigrants,enparticulierchezlesimmigrantsarrivésavant1991.

Ainsi, les inégalités selon le statut d’immigrationsontclaires:lesimmigrantsréussissentmoinsbienquelesnon-immigrants.Maiscelanefutpastoujourslecas.Aussirécemmentque1981etmême1986, lasituationinverse s’observait. Cependant dans la foulée dudéplacementdel’originegéographiquedesimmigrants,de l’Europe vers le reste dumonde, survenu dans les

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annéessoixante-dix,lerecensementde1986etsurtoutceluide1991ontmisenévidenceque les immigrantsenprovenancedespays leplus souvent identifiésavecles pays de provenance des minorités visibles étaientconfrontés à des difficultés économiques. Depuis,ces difficultés se sont amplifiées au point d’entraînerl’inversionnotéeci-dessusetontcontinuédes’aggraverparlasuite.

statut/groupe de minorité visibleDans la RMR de Montréal, un peu moins d’une

personne sur sept âgée de 15 ans et plus (15%)appartient aux minorités visibles, c’est-à-dire est unepersonneautrequ’unautochtonequin’estpasderacecaucasienne ou n’a pas la peau blanche. Cependant,la population des minorités visibles est inégalementrépartieentreleshuitgroupesàlaprésencesignifiante.Ainsilegroupenoir(28%)arriveentêtedevantquatregroupesd’importanceplusoumoinssimilaire–arabe(16%), latino-américain (13%), chinois (13%) et sud-asiatique(12%)–loindevantlesgroupessud-asiatique(8%),philippin(4%)etasiatiqueoccidental(3%).

Tout d’abord, chez les 25-54 ans, les personnesappartenant auxminorités visibles performentmoinsbiensurlemarchédutravailquecellesn’yappartenantpas, les écarts de participation et de chômage entreles deux groupes s’apparentant à ceux précédemmentobservés entre les immigrants et les non-immigrants.Plus intéressante est l’observation des mêmes écartsentre les principaux groupes de minorité visible.Généralement, plus le taux de participation est élevé,plus le taux de chômage est faible. Cette affirmationvautpresquetoujourschezlesfemmesoùl’onretrouve

àunextrêmelegroupephilippin,plusperformant,etàl’autreextrême lesgroupesarabe,asiatiqueoccidentalet sud-asiatique, moins performants. En revanche,ellesevérifiemoinschez leshommespour lesquels laparticipationaumarchédutravailvarieassezpeuavecle groupe de minorité visible. Ainsi, participation etchômagesontmoinsélevéspourlegroupechinoisetàl’inverseplusélevéspourlegroupearabe.Parailleurs,chezles15ansetplus,appartenirauxminoritésvisiblesplutôtquenepasyappartenirmèneàunrevenutotalmoins beaucoup moins élevé (16 400$ VS 27 200$sur labasede la valeurmédiane) et enuneplus forteprévalence du faible revenu.De plus, alors qu’ils sontminimes sur la base de la valeur moyenne (quoiquele groupe asiatique du sud-est présente une valeurcomparativement plus élevée), les écarts de revenutotal enregistrés entre les huit principaux groupes deminorité visible sont assez substantiels sur la base delavaleurmédiane:lerevenutotalmédians’étageentre12900$pourlegroupeasiatiqueoccidentalet19500$pourlegroupephilippin,tandisquelegroupeasiatiquedusud-est,malgrésavaleurmoyennecomparativementplusélevée,sesitueaumilieudupeloton(16900$).

Plus encore que les inégalités économiquesobservées selon le statut d’immigration, celles obser-véesselon lestatutdeminoritévisiblesontnettementtranchées:appartenirauxminoritésvisiblesrésulteenunemoindre réussite économique, avec d’importantsécarts entre les groupes qui tendent à changer avec l’indicateur considéré. Néanmoins, le groupephilippin réussit généralement lemieux, tandisque legroupeasiatiqueoccidentalréussitmoinsbien,sinonlemoinsbien.

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affirmative action in quebec and india: an assessment of outcomes and uneXPected consequencesÉric charest, Professor, École nationale d'administration publique, Montréal.

marie-thérèse chicha, Professor, School of Industrial Relations, Université de Montréal.

Priti singh, Assistant Professor, Centre for Canadian, US and Latin American Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

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reactive and Proactive aPProaches to discrimination

Most countries have in place laws which prohibit discrimination as well as preferential or exclusionarytreatment intheworkplacebasedondifferentgrounds.In this context, refusal to hire, promote or dismissan employee based on his/her gender, race, ethnicity,religious background, etc. is considered as an unlawfulemployment practice (Dobbin, 2009). Individuals whobelieve that they are victims of discrimination can filea complaint with a human rights commission or anequivalent body, which will investigate the case. Atthe conclusion of the investigation, the individual isentitledtoreparationsiftheemployerisfoundguiltyofdiscrimination.Thisprocessistraditionallydescribedasareactiveapproachtodiscrimination(Chicha,2001).

Proactivepolicieswereadoptedduetothechallengesof processing discrimination-related complaints; thedifficultyofprovingthatdiscriminationactuallytookplace;unreasonabledelays in the investigationprocess;and therelated costs. Becausemembers of discriminated groupsoftenhaveprecariouspositions inthelabourmarketandhavelimitedknowledgeoftheirrights,itisalsoexpectedthatmanywill refrain from complaining because of therisksassociatedwithlosingtheirjob,orbeingperceivedas“trouble-makers.”

Moreover, even if an employer is found guilty ofdiscrimination, the reparations awarded to theemployeewill probably fail to initiate significant changes in theattitudes and behaviours of other employers; therefore itwill have a limited impact on combating discrimination(Garon and Bosset, 2003). In order for socio-economicchangestooccur,onecouldarguethattheStateneedsto

recognize the issue of durable inequality between socialgroupsasoneofthefruitsofdiscrimination(Tilly,1998).The proactive approach to discrimination encompassesa broad perspective and could assist in alleviatinginequalities and might make the labour market morewelcomingformembersoftargetgroups.Themajorityof proactivemeasuresfoundthroughouttheworldtodayhave been inspired by the various affirmative action policiesimplemented in the United States in the late 1960s.Numerousstudieshaveshownthattheseprogramshadaverypositiveimpactontherepresentationofdiscriminatedgroups(HolzerandNeumark,2006).

affirmative action Programs in quebecIn 1985 the Quebec government officially adopted

a proactive approach in order to combat employmentdiscrimination. A new chapter dedicated to affirmativeactionprogramswasintroducedintheCharterofHumanRightsandFreedoms(L.R.Q.,ch.C-12):

“The object of an affirmative action program is to remedy the situation of persons belonging to groups discriminated against in employment or in the sector of education or of health services and other services generally available to the public. An affirmative action program is deemed non-discriminatory if it is established in conformity with the Charter.”

Themainreasonthat ledthegovernmenttochangethe legal framework is thesharedobservation,basedona seriesof social andeconomic indicatorsof the labourmarket, that significant differences persisted between

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aFFirmatiVe aCtion in queBeC and india: an assessment oF outComes and unexpeCted ConsequenCes

Since1985twoadditionalprogramshavebeenadopted:1. TheContractualObligationProgram.Adoptedin1987,

the Contractual Obligation Program requires thatprivatefirmswith100employeesormorewhowishtoapply forprovincialpublic contractsworth$100,000ormore,orwhoreceiveasubsidyof$100,000ormore,mustimplementanaffirmativeactionprogram.

2. The Act Respecting Equal Access to EmploymentinPublicBodies (Loisur l’accèsà l’égalitéenemploidansdes organismespublics–L.R.Q., chap.A-2.01).Adopted in 2001, this law requires that public andsemi-public bodies which employ 100 persons ormore provide a breakdown of target groups and putinplacetheappropriatemeasurestoattainacceptablerepresentationintheirworkforce.

Several employers are thus now covered by differenttypes of affirmative action programs inQuebec and thelegalframeworkcouldpotentiallyhaveanoticeableimpacton combating systemic discrimination. Yet because thegovernment decided to increase the quantity and typeof affirmative action programs instead of creating aunifiedandcoherentframework,globalmonitoringoftheprogramsismoredifficultandconfusionisoftenobserved.

It is also important tonote thatwith the absenceofaformalandindependentevaluationoftheseprograms–mostlybecausethedataiseitherconfidentialorextremelyhard to access – a situation has been created wherebythe programs remain suspect in the eyes of the public.Widespread misunderstanding of affirmative action andprejudices also contribute to the public suspicion.Manypeople who are oblivious of the historical roots of collective inequalities, denounce affirmative action programs assynonymsofreversediscrimination:Othersthinktheyaremostlyaboutarbitraryquotaswhich,asseenabove,isnotthecaseinQuebec.Finallyonehearsoftenthataffirmativeactionprogramsquestion theprimacyofmerit:while inrealitypreferentialtreatmentformembersoftargetgroupsappliesonlybetweencandidateswithsimilarqualitiesandcredentials.

These prejudices have the potential to stigmatizemembersofthetargetgroups,whichin itself isaseriousbarrierforthedevelopmentofaffirmativeactionprograms.Anotherfactorthatcanexplainthelimitedresultsoftheaffirmative action programs is the lack of commitmentby two of the most important stakeholders, namely thegovernmentandtheemployers, towardtheaimsoftheseprograms,combinedwithadenialtoacknowledgetheveryexistenceofsystemicdiscriminationinthelabourmarket.

social groups in Quebec society, including women and members of visible minorities when compared towhitemen.

Women in the labour market are still largelyconcentrated in a limited number of professions. It isalsomorecommon for themtoworkpart-timeand theyare more likely to experience episodes of acute poverty(SecrétariatàlaConditionféminine,2007).Inthelasttwodecades,thegapbetweenparticipationratesofwomenandmeninQuebechasnarrowedbutitremainsconsiderable(59.5% VS 70.6%; Statistics Canada, 2006a). In 2006, womenworking full time throughout theyearwereonlymaking 73.8% of the salary of their male counterparts(StatisticsCanada,2006a).

The visible minority population is currently expe-riencingaperiodofunprecedentedgrowthinQuebec:theynow represent 8.8%of thepopulation (StatisticsCanada,2006b).Theirparticipationrateissomewhatsimilartotherestofthepopulation,yettheirunemploymentrateistwiceashigh:13.1%VS6.4%(StatisticsCanada,2006a).Intermsofemploymentincome,theyearnanaverageof73.3%oftheincomesofthosewhoarenotvisibleminorities(StatisticsCanada,2006b).

Affirmative action programs are intended toachieve equality of results – or equality of outcomes –between the designated groups (women, members ofvisible minorities, Aboriginal people, disabled persons,and ethnic minorities) and the reference group (menwho are not members of a visible minority). In anygiven organization, a comparable rate of success in thedotation process should be observed betweenmembersofthetargetgroupsandthereferencegroupshouldtheirqualifications be equal.Therefore, equality of results isamuch broader concept than equality of opportunitieswhichusuallyinvolvestheremovalofallegedbarriersinthe employment system that could hamper applicantsfrom certain groups in the competition for jobs, butwithoutmonitoringthefinalresults(Chicha,2001).

Affirmative action programs should be based on astructured process that follows an exact schedule andis adapted to reflect the specificities of an organization.In1985, three typesof affirmativeactionprogramsweredesigned:1. Programs recommended by the Human Rights

CommissionororderedbyaTribunal.2. Programs for the public departments and agencies

whosepersonnelisappointedinaccordancewiththePublicServiceAct(chapterF-3.1.1).

3. TheVoluntaryProgram.

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ÉriC Charest, marie-thÉrèse ChiCha and priti singh

“itsimplementationisindifferentandoftenquotasremainincompletely fulfilled” (Deshpande, 2009, p.66). Further,the creationofother categories like theOtherBackwardClasses(OBCs)andthe“Mahadalits”(veryoppressed)haveaddedtothequagmireofconfusion.WhileidentificationinthecaseofSCandSTcanbesaidtoberelativelyeasy,thestatusofOBCbeinggrantedtocertaingroupsisdifficultandcontroversial.ItisnotclearthatallgroupsclaiminganOBCstatusaredescendantsoftheSudras.EachstatehasitsownlistofOBCs.Thus,ithastakenalongtimefortheOBCquotatobeimplemented.

Thereisnowanincreasingdemandforreservationforwomen in India.Therehasbeen aproposal to introducereservationof33%ofseatsforwomenintheLowerHouseof the parliament of India, the Lok Sabha, and in statelegislative assemblies.The bill is pending and has yet tobe passed.Themechanics of its overlap with the caste-based reservation need to beworked out apart from theoppositionthatthebillhasgeneratedfromcertainsectionsofthepopulation(TimesofIndia,November9th,2012).

The main criticisms of reservation policies centrearoundthefactthatwhileSCsandSTshaveconstitutionalsanction,OBCreservationdoesnot.Theargument thatcastecannotbethemainindicatorofbackwardnessandreservationshouldbeclass-based,doesholdsomemeritastheultimategoalofthestateshouldbetheabolitionofthecastesystem.Thefearisthatthereservationsystemhasbecomemoreofapoliticalgimmickandvoteseeker,rather than a genuine effort at uplifting the backwardsectionsofsociety.

Implementation of reservation looks impressivewhenonelooksatthecaste-basedquotasintheelectoralsphere, but the problembecomes evident in governmentemploymentandeducation.Inthelattertwoareas,quotasremain unfulfilled especially in the higher categories ofjobs.While reservation in India cannot be said to be aresounding success, anddoeshavenumerousflaws in itsconception and implementation, it has nevertheless ledtotheemergenceofanewmiddleclassamongthesocio-economically suppressedgroups.Agenuineeffortby thepoliticallyandeconomicallypowerfulwouldgoalongwaytowardsresolvingtheproblem.

affirmative action Policies in quebec and india: same goal but different conteXts?

While both policies share a common goal, socialconventions, the general legal framework and thenatureandlevelofpoliticalmobilizationinQuebecandIndiahaveresultedindistinctpolicyresponses.Butregardlessofthedetailsofthepoliciesinplace,itappearsthatthreecrucialdimensionsshouldalwaysbeconsideredinpolicydesign:1)Shouldthepolicybebasedonstrictquotas,oronmoreflexible representation targets? 2) Should we focus our

india’s reservation PoliciesReservation policies in India are based on quotas,

targeted towards several identified minority groupswhich have been historically discriminated, namely theScheduled Castes (SC), Scheduled Tribes (ST) and theOther Backward Classes (OBC). These policies existedevenat the timeof theBritish rule in India.At the timeof independence in1947, theprovisionsof reservation ineducation, employment andpolitical representationwereincludedintheIndianConstitution.

Thecaste system isestimated tobeover2,500yearsold inIndiaandhasundergonemanytransformations. Itoriginated from ancient times when society was dividedintofourclassesbasedontheiroccupations:theBrahmin (thelearned);Kshatriya(thewarrior);Vaishya(merchants,traders andbusiness); andSudra (peasants, cobblers andservants). However, the rigidity of the class system overtimegavewaytothecastesystemwhichwasdeterminedbybirth.

In spite of a raging debate on the rights of religious minority communities such as the Muslimsand Christians, reservation policies target the lowercaste groups (Sudras) conventionally associated withHinduism. While caste groupings have been observedinallreligionsinIndiaincludingIslamandChristianity,there is no reservation policy towards these groups asyet.Themainideabehindreservationwastoreducetherigidity of the hierarchical caste-based structurewherethe lower castes continue to be socially, economically,educationally andpoliticallybackward.Thesebackwardcastes are identified as Scheduled Castes (SC) and arelistedinagovernmentschedule.SCsarealsocommonlyknownasDalitsorthe“oppressed.”

Scheduled Tribes (ST) belong to tribal communitiesand are distinct from the Hindu caste system. Alsoknown as Adivasis (meaning original inhabitants), thetribal population constitutes 7% of the landless peoplein India which is the second-largest section after theScheduledCastes(10%)andtheyownonly3%ofthelargelandholdings (Planning Commission, 2006). Even theirschool attendancewhichhad risen in the late 1980s andearly1990shasgonedownduringtheperiodof1994-2000(Rath,2006).

TheConstitutionclassifiesSCsandSTsinitsarticles341and342andprovidesforspecialpoliciesintheformof affirmative action/reservations for these categories inhighereducation,employmentingovernmentinstitutionsand political representation through its articles 330, 332and 334. The list of Scheduled Tribes and ScheduledCastes of each individual state varies in India andfurther complicates the issue. Having constitutionallyconfirmed reservation for SCs and STs has ensured thatit ismandatory and cannot be questioned in theory but

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have demonstrated a lack of enthusiasm for affirmativeaction. Bakan andKobayashi (2007) argue that backlashis understood as a “negative response to a progressivepolicy, campaign,orevent […]Typically, it canbe tracedto a “trigger” or a “spark” that provokes a response thatis otherwise either non-existent or dormant and lackingsubstantial influence” (p. 147). Backlash can lead manypoliticianstoavoiddebates,makeconcessionsthateasetheobligationsofsubjectedorganizations,orevenlimitaccessto relevant policy-related information and data that arerequiredtoobjectivelyassessapolicy'simpact.Certainly,opponents'potentialreactionsmustbeanticipatedinthepolicy-makingprocess.Itisalsonecessarytogiveseriousthoughttothemodalitiesofimplementationofaffirmativeaction. However, this does notmean that policy-makersshould shyaway frommakingboldpolitical choices.Thehumancostsofinactionandtherelatedsocialrisksaretoohightoleavethestatusquounchallenged.

reFerenCes

Bader,V.M.[1998]DilemmasofEthnicAffirmativeAction:BenignState-neutralityofRelationalEthnicNeutrality?Citizenship Studies, 2(3):435-473.

Bakan, A. B. & Kobayashi A. [2007] Affirmative Action andEmployment Equity: Policy, Ideology, and Backlash in CanadianContext.Studies in Political Economy,79(Spring):145-166.

Chicha, M.-T. [2001] Les politiques d’égalité professionnelle etsalariale au Québec: l’ambivalence du rôle de l’État québécois.Recherche féministes,14(1):63-82.

Chicha,M.-T. & Charest, E. [2013] Le Québec et les programmesd’accèsà l’égalité:unrendez-vousmanqué?ResearchReportfortheCEETUM(acceptedforpublication).

Deshpande, Ashwini [2009] Affirmative action in India. In ElaineKennedy-Dubourdieu (Ed.)Race and Inequality: World perspectives on affirmative action:63-76.Surrey:Ashgate.

Dobbin, F. [2009] Inventing Equal Opportunity. Princeton (NJ):Princeton University Press,310p.

Garon, M. & Bosset, P. [2003] Le droit à l’égalité: des progrès remarquables, des inégalités persistantes. Montréal, study No 2preparedfortheCommissiondesdroitsdelapersonneetdesdroitsdelajeunesse(CDPDJ)«Après25ans,laChartequébécoisedesdroitsetlibertés»,160p.

Holzer,H.J.&Neumark,D.[2006]AffirmativeAction:WhatDoWeKnow?Journal of Policy Analysis and Management,25(2):463-490.

PlanningCommission[2006]ScheduledCasteSubPlan:Guidelinesforimplementation.NewDelhi:PlanningCommission.

Rath, Govind Chandra (Ed.) [2006] Tribal Development in India: The contemporary debate.NewDelhi:SagePublications.

effortsonalimitednumberofgroups,orattempttocovera largerproportionof thepopulation?3)Canaffirmativeactioneliminatesocialinequalityonitsown,orshoulditbetreatedonlyasonedimensionofabroadersocialpolicyagenda?The first question relates to the different formsof affirmative action policy and their relative strength (Bader,1998).Astrongerversion,likethereservationpolicyinIndia,isbasedontheideathatanindividualcouldgeta job if he/she belonged to one of the target groups. In contrast, the affirmative action policy in Quebec canbe considered weaker because individuals belonging tooneofthetargetgroupscanbeofferedajobonlyiftheirqualifications are equal to those of other candidates.A moderate version exists between these two extremepositions: an individual would get the job if he/she metcertainessentialminimalstandardsofcompetence,evenifacandidatefromthemajoritygroupwerebetterqualified.Theweakest version of the policy ismuch easier for thegeneralpublictoacceptaslegitimate.However,itsimpactonthelabourmarketislikelytobemorelimited.

Thesecondquestionismorepoliticalthanthefirst,asit focuses on the choice of target groups. Suchdecisionscouldwellbeconsideredarbitrary.Onwhatcriteriashouldtheselectionoftargetgroupsbebasedon?Howextremedoes inequality have to be for the State to intervene infavourof a specificgroup?Politicalmobilization is a keyvariable to consider here. Over time, the inclusion ofnew groups is likely to lessen the impact of affirmativeaction policies: instead of focusing on achieving betterworkforcerepresentationforalimitednumberofgroups,organizations will have to manage a range of specificmeasures for different groups with varying experiencesin the labour market. While both Quebec and Indiaare experiencing pressure to include additional groups,cautionshouldbeexercisedwhenextendingthepolicyisbeingconsidered.

Finally, believing that affirmative action policies aresufficientinaddressingsocialinequalityislikelyamistake.Thesepoliciesmustbepartofabroadersocialagendathatalso includes measures to strengthen the capacities ofpeople indisadvantagedgroups.For instance, significantinvestmentsinschoolslocatedinpoorneighbourhoodsarerequired,asareactivemeasurestofightpoverty,etc.Inthefightagainstinequality,affirmativeactionis justonetoolamongmany.Ifsignificantresultsaretobeachieved,thestateneedstoadoptasystemicperspectiveofinequality.

Affirmativeactionpolicieshavealwaysbeenasubjectofheateddebate, both for the general public andpolicy-makers.Forthisreason,transparentnationalmechanismsare needed to objectively monitor and evaluate whetheror not a policy is achieving its goal. Fear of backlashis arguably one of the reasons why many politicians

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Statistics Canada [2006b] 2006 Census. Number in catalogue: 97-563-XCB2006060.

Tilly, C. [1998] Durable Inequality. Berkeley (CA): University of California Press,299p.

Times of India [November 9th, 2012] Can consider supporting WomenReservationBill:Mulayam.Times of India.

Secrétariat à la condition féminine [2007] Pour que l’égalité de droit devienne une égalité de faits: politique gouvernementale pour l’égalité entre les femmes et les hommes. Québec:GouvernementduQuébec,91p.

Statistics Canada [2006a] 2006 Census. Number in catalogue: 97-562-XCB2006017.

l'action Positive au quebec et en inde: une Évaluation des rÉsultats et des consÉquences imPrÉvues

Les programmes d’accès à l’égalité du Québecet la politique des sièges réservés en Inde sont deuxapprochesproactivespourcombattreladiscriminationdans le domaine de l’emploi. Malgré le fait qu’ellespartagent l’objectif d’assurer une plus grandeégalité pour les membres de groupes désavantagés,des différences significatives existent entre elles.La plupart des états possèdent un cadre juridiqueinterdisantladiscrimination,ainsiquelestraitementspréférentielsoul’exclusion,danslesmilieuxdetravail.Le refus d’embaucher et d’accorder une promotion,ou le licenciement en fonction d’un motif illicitede discrimination, seraient illégal. Les victimes dediscrimination pourraient donc porter plainte. Suiteà une enquête afin de déterminer si la plainte estfondée, la personne discriminée pourrait obtenirréparation de l’employeur. Cette approche complexeet coûteuse correspond aumodèle réactif.À l’opposé,l’approcheproactiven’exigepasdeprouveraupréalablela culpabilité d’un employeur; tous doiventmettre enœuvre lesmoyens nécessaires afin d’augmenter et demaintenir la représentation des groupes-cibles sous-représentésdansleurseffectifs.Laplupartdesmodèlesproactifs s’inspirent de l’exemple américain qui, à partir des années 60, a permis d’augmenter la repré-sentation desNoirs dans les organisations assujetties.L’approcheproactiveaétéadoptéeauQuébecen1985.À l’origine, trois typesdeprogrammesétaientprévus:1) les programmes recommandés par la Commissiondesdroitsdelapersonneetdesdroitsdelajeunesseouimposés par un Tribunal; 2) les programmes pour lepersonneldelafonctionpublique;et3)lesprogrammesvolontaires. Deux autres types ont été ajoutés: 1) lesprogrammes de l’obligation contractuelle pour lesentreprises qui obtiennent une subvention ou un contrat dugouvernementd’unevaleurminimumde100000$

et qui ont 100 salariés ou plus; et 2) les programmesdans les organismes publics. Des différences impor-tantes existent entre ces programmes. Compte tenude ces différences et des problèmes d’accessibilitédes données, il est complexe d’évaluer les impactsde cette politique. Cette situation combinée à unmanquedesensibilisationdupublicàladiscriminationcontribuentàentretenirlaconfusionauQuébecetcréeun terrain fertile à l’expression de préjugés, comme: 1)ladiscriminationàrebours:lesprogrammesobligentàfairepreuvedefavoritisme;2)l’obligationd’embauched’unquotaarbitrairedemembresdesgroupescibles;et3)une remise enquestiondumérite.Le faibleniveaud’engagement des employeurs et du gouvernementà l’endroit de l’accès à l’égalité constitue un obstaclemajeursupplémentaire.LapolitiquedessiègesréservésenIndeestbaséesurdesquotas,relativementfixes,afindepermettreauxmembresdegroupeshistoriquementdiscriminés, nommément les membres des casteset tribus inférieures, ainsi que les autres classesdéfavorisées,unaccèsfacilitéàl’éducation,l’emploietlareprésentationpolitique.Cettepolitiqueexistaitdèsl’époque coloniale et, au moment de l’indépendance,elleaétéinscritedanslaConstitution.Lesystèmedescastes existe depuis 2500 ans et bien qu’il ait subi denombreuses transformations, son impact est toujoursressenti. À l’origine, la société était divisée en quatreclasses: 1) Brahmin (les instruits); 2) Kshatriya (les guerriers); 3) Vaishya (les marchants et artisans);et 4) Sudra (les paysans, cordonniers et serviteurs).La rigidité des classes sociales a donné naissance ausystème des castes; la caste étant déterminée par lanaissance. Malgré d’importants débats sur les droitsdes minorités religieuses, notamment les musulmanset les chrétiens, la politique actuelle ne leur réserve aucun siège. L’objectif principal de la politique estd’affaiblirlarigiditédelastructuredescastespuisqueles membres des castes inférieures continuent d’êtredésavantagés aux niveaux social, économique et édu-catif.Cesdernierssontdésignéscommeles«opprimés»

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ou Dalits. L’État réserve aussi des sièges pour les membres des communautés tribales, les Adivasis, qui ne sont pas intégrés dans le système des castes,maisquiviventunesituationdésavantageuse.Commecettepolitique est inscrite dans la Constitution, elle estrarementremiseenquestion;parcontre,ilnefautpassous-estimerlesdifficultésdesamiseenœuvre.Deplus,lacréationdenouveauxgroupesciblescommeles«autresclasses défavorisés» dont le statut est controversé,ainsi que les Mahadalits(lestrèsopprimés),ajouteàlacomplexité.Encemoment,plusieurssouhaitentquelesfemmesdeviennentun groupe cible; cependant, cetteproposition ne fait pas l’unanimité. Les principalescritiquess’articulentautourdufaitque lesystèmedescastesn’estpasleprincipalindicateurdesdésavantages,aussi lapolitiquedevraitsebasersur laclassesociale,d’autant plus que celle-ci légitimise le système decastes. D’autres critiques affirment que les individusqui profitent le plus de la politique sont les élites desgroupes défavorisés qui n’auraient probablement pasbesoin de cette intervention de l’État.Malgré tout, ilest généralement admis que cette politique a permisl’émergence d’une classe moyenne dans les groupeshistoriquementdéfavorisés.L’importancedecombattrela discrimination justifie l’intervention de l’État.

Cependant, il est nécessaire de pouvoir démontrerl’impact réeldespolitiques sur lesgroupesaidés, toutennousassurantquelegroupemajoritairenesubitpasunpréjudicedéraisonnablelorsdelamiseenœuvredelapolitique.

Bien que différentes, les politiques québécoiseet indienne nous amènent à réfléchir à certainesdimensionscrucialesde laconstructiondespolitiquesproactives: 1) devons-nous instaurer des quotas fixesou favoriser des objectifs plus flexibles; 2) faut-il seconcentrer sur un nombre limité de groupes dontla situation est particulièrement désavantageuseou adopter une perspective élargie et prendre enconsidération les réalités de nombreux groupes quirencontrent des difficultés plus oumoins prononcéessur lemarchédu travail; et3) est-cequecesmesuresde discriminations positives sont suffisantes pouréliminerlesinégalitésoudoivent-ellesêtreconsidéréescomme l’une des dimensions d’un agenda social plusimportant.Depuisson introduction, ladiscriminationpositive a toujours été l’objet de controverses.Malgrétout,considérantl’importancedel’enjeu,ilestessentield’agir puisque les coûts potentiels de l’inaction sonttropimportantspouraccepterlestatuquo.

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the role of ethnic statistics in indian anti-discrimination PoliciesKalpana gopalan, IAS, Ph.D., Indian Institute of Management, Bangalore and Principal Advisor, Government of Karnataka.

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the Problem: different faces of discrimination

Non-discrimination and affirmative action arecomplexandcontroversial issues.Theyaimto speedupthe establishment of a representative and unprejudicedworkforce and citizenry and assist those deprived byunfair discrimination.Any social or group identity canbecome a basis of discrimination. Using the debate oncaste-basedcensustoillustratetherelationshipbetweenaffirmativeactionpolicyandstatistics,thisarticlefocusesonanaspectofdiscriminationpeculiartoIndia,thecaste-based discrimination.Wewill begin by describing howdiscriminatorypracticesinscribedthemselveswithinthehistoryofpowerrelationsbetweencastesandrightafterwiththedevelopmentofIndia’santi-discriminationpolicythrough caste-based reservation and the quota system.Theinterfaceofstatisticsandanti-discriminationpolicyis analysed against this background using caste-basedcensus as illustration. While Indian census has a longhistory,comprehensivecastecensuswasundertakenforthefirsttimein2011only.Beingrelativelynew,thisallowsustostudythepolitical,socio-economicalandpracticalimpactsofsuchastatisticalexerciseonsocialpolicy.Theobjective is to identifyways inwhich caste census, andbyextensionstatisticaldata, support implementationofaffirmativeaction.

Manynationsarecharacterizedbysocialinequalities,but in India these inequalities were institutionalized bythe caste system. Affirmative action in India takes theform of positive discrimination through reservations, inoppositiontonon-discriminationinwesterndemocracies.However redistribution is unevenly spread and timelydata are scarce. “Experience has […] shown that in spiteofrepeatedandurgentreminders,ithasnotbeenpossibleforStateGovernments to furnish requiredand sufficientdata in time for inclusion in the Report.Moreover, it isfoundthatinformationisverysketchyandincompleteand,itbeingalready too late, no time is left to obtain further details”(ReportoftheCommissionerforScheduledCastesandScheduledTribesfortheYear1953(ThirdReport)inhttp://www.ambedkar.org/News/reservationinindia.pdf).ScheduledCastes(SCs)andtheScheduledTribes(STs)aretwogroupingsofhistoricallydisadvantagedpeoplethataregivenexpressrecognitionintheConstitutionofIndia.

caste-based census: solution or source of controversy?

Positive discrimination is accomplished through aquota allocation system, depending upon the availabilityof correct statistics. The statistical system functions asper constitutional division of responsibility betweenthe union and the states and differentministries.Whiledecentralization is appropriate to meet individualrequirements of ministries/states, the need of a holistic pan-Indian exercise is met by the Census. It is thelargest single and most credible source on populationcharacteristics,socio-culturalanddemographicdata,andprimarydatainthevillage/town/wardlevel.

Forthefirsttimesinceindependence,the2011censusincorporated caste-based data. SC/STs were recensedearlier,butOBCs,althougheligiblefor27%ofreservation,had not been recensed in 1931. The key motivationbehindthecastecensuswastoidentifywhichcasteswere backward or had improved their socio-economic status.The census data collection began in June 2011 with theheadcountofpeoplelivingbelowpovertyline.Significantly,it was not just anOBC-headcount, but a comprehensivecasteheadcount,witheverycitizenaskedwhichcastehe/shebelongsto.

Given its undeniable importance for Indiandemocracy, this issue deserves critical scrutiny. Will acaste census enable better implementation of affirmativeaction? Does it have other advantages and unintendedpolicy consequences? What is the impact of such acensusontheDalitandtribalpopulations?Whatarethemethodological/logisticaldifficultiesinvolved?Inadditionto policy-rationale, themoral-philosophical justificationsforandagainstcollectionofcastedataareimportant.

The last time a census included caste data was in1931.CastecensusbytheBritishwasananthropologicalexercisetolearnaboutthecolonised;the“census,”“map”and“museum”beingwaysbywhichthecolonialistslearntabout thecolonised(Anderson,1991).Thefirstcensusof1871categorisedcastesonascaleofsuperior,intermediate,trading or pastoral (Memorandum, Census of BritishIndia,1871-72,pp21), legitimisingnotionsof superiorityandinferiority.

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Castewas as tricky then asnow. “Experience at thisCensus has shown very clearly the difficulty of gettinga correct return of caste and likewise the difficulty ofinterpretingitforCensuspurposes”(Hutton,2010).DuringtheColonial census, people used it for “Sanskritization,”tomove up the social order.This crystallised caste andreligious identities,otherwisenebulous. Ironically, in thepost-Mandalera,theGujjarsfoughtapitchedbattletobemovedfromtheOBC.TheGovernmentofIndiaclassifiessome of its citizens based on their social and economiccondition as Scheduled Caste, Scheduled Tribe andOther Backward Class (OBC).The OBC list is dynamic(dependingon social, educational andeconomic factors.)Dalit is a designation for a group of people traditionallyregardedasuntouchable.TotheSTlist,acquiringspecialbackwardclass status.TheMeenasofRajasthanagitatedto win ST status. Critics fear that this race will initiatedemands from other castes to be declared backward inordertoclaimreservation.

Since reservation is based on caste, political leadersoften demand their caste to be recognised as backward.Thus the contours of caste politics are refashioned andrenegotiated in response to the current census, just asduringtheBritishattempt.Theoutpouringofcaste-baseddemands, gatherings and statements shows caste beingpoliticisedandanimatedbyhead-counting.The fact thatnotionally rigid categories can be renegotiated to securepolitical influenceremindsus thatcastehasalwaysbeenpliabletopoliticalinfluence.Thisdemonstratesthat,whiletheeffectmaybetocrystallise,theprocesshighlightstheinherent fuzziness and malleability of social categories.Theendresultofthecurrentsurveyremainstobeseen,foritprovidesmultipleorganisationswithapowerfulmeansofmobilisingsupportandwithemotionalcardstoplay.Itanimatescaste-appealandtherhetoricofcommunity,butonlywhenthedusthassettledwillwediscerntheshapethatthenewly-classified castes assume. In themeantime, thehopethatthedatawouldservetorationalisereservationsandrelateddebatesliesburiedbeneathclaimsandcounter-claims.Centraltothesemachinationsisthefactthatthesurveyisperceivedasmorethanacollectionofnumbers.Itremainsameansofclassifyingandcategorisingthesocialuniverse into two groups: those entitled certain benefitsandthosewhoarenot.

Incorporating caste as enumerative criteria is likelyto have major social ramifications. The Census of 1901revealeda fall in the “lowercastes”becauseof the1890sfamine.“Thediminutioninthelowergroupsisduetotheexcessivemortalityof1897when theadministrationhadtoface,andadmittedlyfailedtosolve,thedifficultproblemofforcingreliefuponpeoplewhowerereluctanttoacceptituntiltheyhadbeenreducedtoastateofdebilitywhich

Political, socio-economic and Practical dimensions

Debates surrounding the current census illustrate the politics of caste. Due to its socio-economic and political consequences, the census elicits intense discussions in the media and political parties. Majorpoliticalpartiesaffirmtheneedforcastecensus.Criticsexpress anxiety about heightening divisiveness withvestedinterestsmakingpoliticalcapitalofcasteloyalties.Ithasbeenallegedthatthemereactoflabellingpersonsas belonging to a caste perpetuates the system. It is,however,difficulttoseewhythiswouldbethecase.Itisjustaseasytoarguethatitisimpossibletogetridofanyinstitutionbyignoringitsexistence.

The socio-political and ideological criticality of thecensusisnottobefoundinacademicdiscussions;ratherit is traceable more accurately in people’s reactions.During the colonial census “various ambitious castesquickly perceived chances of raising their status. Theyinvitedconferencesofmembers, formedcouncils to seethat their status was recorded in theway they thoughtwashonourable”(GhuryeinGorringe,2012).Similarly,intheweeks leadingup to the2011census, theresponses,agitations,posters,demandsanddebatesabouthoweachcaste should or should not respond were compelling.Some urged members to register themselves with anover-archingcastenamefornumericaladvantage;othersclung steadfastly and proudly to sub-caste identitiesby privileging status and identity over instrumentalcalculations.Forexample, inTamilNadu,organisationscalledonmemberstoshedsub-casteidentitiesinfavourofmore substantive groups.TheVanniyarUnion urgedmembers to register under the overarching category toemphasisenumericalstrengthinordertoobtainpoliticalandmaterialbenefits.Theproposalforthedistinctclansof Mudaliar, Vellalar and Mukkulathor Agamudayarstore-categoriseandpresentacoherentblockhighlightssuchinstrumentalconcerns.TheAgamudayars’outragedresponse demonstrates how greatly this flouts existingcaste-conventions. Stretching castes horizontallywas also a prime response to the colonial-census,fundamentally altering how caste was understood andhow they operated. The move from local to state-widecategories in the 1900s broadened marriage circlesemphasising “blood” or lineage rather than conduct asthebasisofcaste-belonging.Finally,someseektocreatenew categories altogether. The Viduthalai Chiruthaigalcalled formarginalised sections to register asDalits or“casteless” to avoid intra-Dalit debates aboutmajoritiesandminorities.

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reliablecomprehensivedatabaseoninterrelationsbetweencaste and socio-economic condition; and pave the wayto“agenuinedemocratisationofIndia[…]thesocialandeconomic effects of this “silent revolution” are bound tomultiplyintheyearstocome”(Jaffrelot,2003).

Thecensusraisesproceduralandpracticalissues.Thefirstisdataavailability.Herefewproblemsareanticipated.Most people know their caste identity more clearly andunambiguouslythantheirage.Casteisuniquelyassigned,and ispublic information in rural settlements.Second isprivacy.Amongtheurbanelite,casteisprivateinformationwhich people may reveal in contexts like matrimonialadvertisements but not to census enumerators. ButthoughcasteconsciousnessislowerinurbanIndia,casteidentity of households is publicly known, especially inplaces of residence. Enumerative methodology requiresconsiderationofmanyissues,suchas:existenceofseparatestateandcentralOBClists,difficultiesofascertainingOBCidentitiesofsub-castes,differentialcastestatusofconverts,statusoforphansandchildrenfrominter-castemarriages,andcompetenceoftheenumerators.Apreciseheadcountofaparticularcastemayproveelusive,giventhenumberofsub-castesandsects,andthescopeforconfusionovertheir inclusionorexclusion froma largercasteumbrella.Thenomenclatureofcaste-groupsvaries,whiletherecouldbesimilaritiesinnamebetweendifferentsects.Evenmorescientificallychallengingisintegratingtheheadcountwiththe socio-economicprofileandusing thesedata toapplythestatusofbackwardnesstoacaste.

It was concluded that the Census Commissionof India was equipped to handle such procedural andmethodologicalrequirements,andis“theonlycompetentagency” that can undertake the all-India data collectionand tabulation exercise. Further, it was decided that theenumeratorwasnotthecompetentauthoritytomaketheanalysis and theverification/classificationwouldbedonelaterbycensusofficials.

conclusion: goal of a casteless societyThestandthatcaste-consciousnessisbestobliterated

overtimebyneglectwouldbetenablebutfortheresurgenceofquota-consciousness.Peoplearefamiliarwithcategorieslikescheduled,backwardandgeneral;thecensuswilljustbeamorefactualversionofinformationtheyarealreadyaccustomed to provide. Aside from yielding a database,knowing caste shares will enable a fair operation ofthe reservation. When India became a republic, it wasrecognised that the nation needed to move towards acasteless society. Yet caste continues to be a pervasivemarkerof identity in Indian society.There arequestionswhether the caste-wise breakdown of the populationwoulddetermineallopportunitiesorwhethertherewould

couldendonlyindeath”(CensusReport).Thisillustrateshowcaste-enumerationisuseful;the1901censusidentifiedthecastesmostaffectedbythefamine.

Inacountrylivingwiththerealityofcasteandstrivingtooffsetdisadvantagesbasedonsocialhierarchy,holdinga caste census has wide appeal. Caste enumeration isessentially dictated by the quota decisions taken earlier.No quota can be fairly implemented in a data vacuum.“It is important that these things are evaluated to findout which sections are weaker and need to get socialjustice.This censuswill help formulate processes in thisdirection as information is gathered till micro level”(Dikshit, 2012). Once caste was accepted as the mainparameter on which social-justice would be measured,itwasonlyamatteroftimebeforeitwasincludedinthecensus. Had there not been a resurgence of caste-basedquotas, therewouldhavebeennoneed for enumeration.Butafter2006,accurateknowledgeofcastemembershipbecame critical for equitable fixation of quotas. Indeed,constitutional equality is violated if a caste quota ismandatedintheabsenceofauniformnationwidedatabase.Acountrycannotputinplacejobandeducationquotasforunderprivileged segments then ignore boundaries alongwhichthoseentitlementsaredrawn.Thenewdatashouldenablenewpolicycriteriaforrecognizingintra-andinter-groupsocio-economicinequalitiesanddispensingsocial-justice commitments. The judicially imposed limit of 50% on the quantum of reservation can be overcomeonly by hard data. Significantly, caste enumeration is undertakenatthesametimeasthe“BelowPovertyLine”census,sothereissimultaneousmappingoftheeconomic,caste, and religious backgrounds. Instead of just a headcount of communities, the plan to integratesocio-economic data offers quantifiable data to justifyadministrative measures based on caste identity. Thiswilldeterminewhichfamiliesareeligibleforanti-povertysubsidies and low-cost food staples. Yet the census isconducted to generate information on permanent socio-economic characteristics and is not designed to assessimpactofnationalpolicieswhichmayresultinsystematicresponsebias.

The strongest point for a caste census was that itwould help devise evidence-based social policy. Thereis a wide disparity in caste figures, particularly OBCnumbers which vary from 40-52%. Implementation ofsocial policies benefiting particular castes depends onknowingtheirexactnumbers:“Enumeratingallcasteswillallowustoexaminewhetherandhowcastecontinuestoaffect the distribution of privilege and non-privilege inoursociety.It isasimportanttotrackhowcastebenefitssomegroupsasitistomonitorhowitdisadvantagesothergroups” (NLSUI, 2010).TheCaste censuswill generate a

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Gore,A.[2007-06]Whystatisticshaslostitscentralroleinsocietalaffairs in India and What can we do about it? Indian Society forProbabilityandStatistics.

Gorringe,H.[2012]Casteandthecount.The Hindu.

Gupta,D.[2012]Casteagainstcitizens.India Today.

Hutton[2010]“TheReturnofCaste,”ChapterXII,“Caste,TribeandRace,”inOnceuponaCensus:caughtbetweenneedforcastecountanddifficultiesin'31.Indian Express.

Jaffrelot, Christophe [2003] India's silent revolution: the rise of the lower castes in North India.NewYork:Columbia University Press.

Office of The Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India[2010-11].

Parliament of India. (Undated). Constituent Assembly Debates. http://parliamentofindia.nic.in.

Reservation in India(Undated).http://www.ambedkar.org.

Sayeed,V.A.[2010]Thecastefactor.Frontline.

Economic Times [2012] Caste-based census starts in the nationalcapital.(Retrieveinhttp://articles.economictimes.indiatimes.com).

be some space for open competition: “Our democracy isdeterminedtoshowtheworldthatwhateverotherscando,wecandoworse. If in thisprocess, individual initiativesare killed, standards lowered, and professional ethicscompromised, there is no cause for worry.We can stillsinkalotlower”(Gupta,2012).Incontrast,itwasasserted:“Notcountingcastehasdefeated thedesire to transcendcaste, and the noble idea of “caste blindness” should berejectedinfavourofafreshbeginning[ofcountingcaste]”(Deshpande in Sayeed, 2010). The link between caste-identitypoliticalaffiliationsandsocio-economicstandingisvisible inalmostallpartsof thecountry.Fornow, thecastecensusisalreadyareality.ItrequiresavigilantwatchtoseeitsrepercussionsonthefabricofIndiansociety.

reFerenCes

Anderson, B. [1991] Imagined Communities: Reflections on theOriginandSpreadofNationalism.

le role des statistiques ethniques dans les Politiques anti-discriminatoires en inde

Cet article porte sur la discrimination baséesur la caste, un aspect propre à la société indienne.Nous utiliserons ici les renseignements obtenusgrâce aux recensements des castes afin de soulignerles liens entre l’action politique affirmative et lesstatistiques.Nous décrirons en premier lieu la façondont les pratiques discriminatoires s’inscrivent dansl’histoire des relations de pouvoir entre les castes.Nous poursuivrons en explorant la chronologie dudéveloppement des politiques antidiscriminatoiresen Inde,dont le systèmede réservation et lesquotasaccordésàcertainescastesspécifiques.Lesliensentreles statistiques et les politiques antidiscriminatoiresseront analysés selon cette thématique, en utilisantles données statistiques du recensement des castes.Bien que les gouvernements coloniaux puis indienseffectuent des recensements depuis longtemps, cen’est qu’en 2011 qu’a eu lieu le premier recensemententièrement basé sur les castes. Puisqu’il s’agit d’unexercice relativement récent, nous serons enmesured’étudierlesaspectspolitiques,socio-économiquesetpratiquesliésàuntelexercicestatistique.

Plusieurs nations sont caractérisées par lesinégalités sociales, mais en Inde ces inégalités sontextrêmement structuréesgrâceausystèmedescastes.

Les actions affirmatives en Inde se traduisent par dela discrimination positive, imposée sous forme deplaces réservées dans les emplois gouvernementauxet à l’université. Cela va à l’encontre de la culture detolérance et de non-discrimination des démocratiesoccidentales. Cependant, la redistribution est faite defaçoninégaleetraressontlesdonnéesquisontàjour.Lebutdurecensementdescastesestd’identifiercellesayantun retard socio-économiqueet ainsidepouvoirlesappuyerdansleurdéveloppement.

Les débats entourant le recensement illustrentbien la place des castes dans la politique. En effet,l’exerciceasuscitédesdébatsàlafoisdanslesmédiaset dans les milieux politiques. Les partis politiquesles plus importants ont mis l’accent sur le besoin deconnaître le nombre exact de membres dans chaquecaste. Pour d’autres cependant, le recensementpourrait avoir comme conséquence d’accentuer lesdivisionsdanslasociétéindienne:certainespersonnespourraient être tentées de développer leur capitalpolitiquegrâceàlaloyautéliéeàlacaste.Onnetrouvepas nécessairement ce discours critique à l’égarddu recensement dans le discours académique, maisplutôt dans la réaction des gens ordinaires. On peutlier cette inquiétude aux conséquences qu’eurent lesrecensements à l’époque coloniale, au cours desquelsplusieurs castes ambitieuses ont profité de l’occasion

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pour s’élever dans l’échelle sociale. Les frontières delapolitiquedescastesontétéredéfiniesetrenégociéesà la suitedudernier recensement, commece fut jadisle cas avec les recensements britanniques. Lenombreélevé de demandes basées sur la caste démontre queles recensements politisent et animent les différentescastes. Le fait quedes catégories rigidespuissent êtrerenégociées afin de s’arroger davantage de pouvoirpolitique nous rappelle que les castes ont toujours été sujettes à l’influence politique. Pour le moment,plusieurs organisations en profite pour mobiliser dusupport,etpourjouerlacartedel’émotion.Aucentre de ces manipulations on trouve l’idée que, pourplusieurs, le recensement est bien plus qu’un simpleramassisdechiffres.Eneffet,nombreuxsontceuxquiyvoientunefaçondeclassifierlasociétéengroupesayantdroitounonàcertainsavantages.

L’impact social d’un dénombrement des castesest majeur. Dans un pays qui tente de renverser lesdésavantages socio-économiques qu’engendrent pourcertaines couches de la société cette discriminationbasée sur la hiérarchie sociale, l’idée de faire un telrecensement est intéressante. Les nouvelles donnéesstatistiques permettront de mieux établir les critèresafindecernerlesinégalitéssocialesetéconomiquesauseindesgroupesetentreceux-ci,etde fairerégner lajusticesociale.Ledénombrementdescastessedérouleenmême temps que le recensement de la populationvivantsousleseuildelapauvreté.Ilyadoncunemise

en correspondance simultanée des données portantsur le statut socio-économique, la religion et la caste.Lepointfortdurecensementportantsurlescastesestqu’ilaideraàétablirdespolitiquessocialesbaséessurdesfaits.

Cependant, le recensement soulève des questionsquantàsapratiqueetàson fonctionnement.D’abord,on se questionne sur la disponibilité des données. Eneffet,lesdonnéesquantitativesdemandentunecertaineapproche et sur le plan scientifique, il est difficiled’intégrerlesdonnéesdurecensementauprofilsocio-économiqueetdedéterminerl’étatd’arriérationd’unecaste.Cependant, on amontré que la commissiondurecensementdel’Indeétaitbienéquipéepourrépondreauxexigencesprocéduralesetméthodologiques.

L’idée que le système de caste disparaîtra avec letempssionl’ignoreseraitdéfendable,sicen’étaitdelarésurgencede laconsciencedesdifférentescastes faceauxquotas.Eneffet,lesIndienssonthabituésauxtermesde tribus répertoriées, de classes défavorisées, et decastesgénérales.Poureux,lerecensementn’estqu’uneversionobjectivedesinformationsqu’ilsontl’habitudedefournir.Enplusdepermettrelacréationd’unebasede données, le recensement favorisera un système deréservation plus juste que celui qu’ils connaissent. Àl’heureactuelle,lesystèmedescastesestbienréel,etilfautrestervigilantpourcomprendresesrépercussionssurlasociétéindienne.

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dimensions of social banKing and financial inclusion Programs in india: lessons from desjardinsamit ranjan, Ph.D., Canadian Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, and Senior Banker in the domain of Rural and Development Financing, New Delhi.

benoit tremblay, Professor, Department of Management, École des Hautes Études Commerciales, and Director, Desjardins Centre for Studies in Management of Financial Services Cooperatives, Montréal.

introductionSocial banking and financial inclusion present a

significantchallengeandauniqueopportunitytobuildabroadbasedandstablefinancialsystem,subservientandcontributingtogrowthandoveralleconomicprosperityofthelowincomepeople.Thebankingbusinessgloballyhas been designed to serve businesses and individualswith capabilities to act in a market economy withoutmuch attention to the poorwho cannot pay high costsfor accessing financial services. This situation is oftenforcesthemtorelyoninformalsourcesfortheirfundingneeds at exorbitant rates andhas severely curtailed theopportunitiesavailabletothemtousethefinancialsystemto improvethequalityof their lives.Socialbankinghasemergedasthesystemwherebankingbusinessisorientedtowards developing technology leveraged models thatbring down the costs of providing services and makebankingaffordabletothemasses.Byextendingthereachand penetration of banks, social banking tries tomakebankingservicesavailabletothemarginalizedsegmentsofsociety(Chakrabarty,2012).

FinancialInclusionProgrammeisnotonlyexpansionof banking and financial activities to the unbanked andexcludedpopulationbut italsoenvisionsbringingmulti-faceted developments to the marginalized section of societywhoareyettobecomethepartnersinequilibriumofouradvancedanddevelopedsocieties.Threequartersoftheworld’smore thanonebillionextremelypoorpeopleliveinruralareasofdevelopingcountries.Poorpeopleinruralareastendtohavelowerlevelsofhealthandeducation;they are more likely to have limited access to basicservices such aswater and sanitation; and paradoxically,despitedependingonagricultureas theirmainsourceoflivelihood,theyalsosufferthemostfromhungerandfoodinsecurity(Harza,2009).

The absence of banking and credit facilities is seenas a major reason behind the mass poverty. It has beenexperienced that a family's overall standards of livingimprovedrasticallywhentheyaregivenaccesstoaffordablecredit facilities. “About2.5billionpeople across theglobedonothaveaccesstobasicbankingservices.Theunbankedpopulation,which lives primarily in developing countries,comprisesnearlyhalfoftheworld’sworking-agepopulation.Their exclusion from the formalfinancial system restrictstheir participation in the global economy and severelycurtails the opportunities available to them to pullthemselvesoutofpoverty”(Chakrabarty,2012).

financial inclusion Programme in indiaIndia isprincipally a rural economyasabout70%of

its population lives in villages. Inaccessibility of creditandbankingservices to theweakersections,particularlyin ruralareasand theagricultureprimarysector,canbetermed as a major reason behind the mass-poverty inIndia.Theruralcreditsystemassumesahighimportancebecause most Indian rural families have inadequatesavingstofinancefarmingandothereconomicactivities.Thus availability of timely credit at affordable rates ofinterest is a pre-requisite for improving rural livelihoodandacceleratingruraldevelopment(Sing,2009).

The traditional avenues of rural financing consistof traditional moneylenders, big landlords, big farmers,traders, etc. The relationship brought about by suchcredittransactionisexploitative innatureandismarkedby high interest rates, usurious practices, lifelong andinter-generational indebtedness, etc. Financing in ruralsectors is mainly done through informal credit sources(Chakraborty, 2009). To fight this exploitation, moderninstitutional credit was introduced. A large number ofagencies, including cooperatives, regional rural banks,

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• Thevisionoffinancialinclusionincorporatesfinancialassistance for capacity building and economicemancipationofthetargetgroups.Butitisexperiencedthat the endeavor of financial inclusion has mostlyremained confined to financial assistance and thelargenumberofdefaultcasesinprioritysectorlendingshowsourmidwaydiversionfromthegoalofcapacitybuildingofmassesanditthusrequirestore-approachtheentireissuefortheenvisagedresultofsustainablefinancial empowerment of the masses especially ofwomenandothervulnerablegroups.

• Theexistenceofmultipleagenciesretailingcreditinacommonareaofoperationanddispersingcreditinanuncoordinatedmannerresultedinmultiplefinancing,over-financing,under-financing,financialindisciplineand diversion of scarce resources to unproductivepurposes(BabuetSubash2009).

• Absence or delay in adopting latest technology, inparticular with cooperatives and RRBs, has beenaffectingcostandoperationalefficiencyinextendingaffordablebankingservicestothemasses.

• Efficiency and performances of small size exclusiveinstitutions like RRBs and Cooperatives are marredby local conditions and policies. There is a strongrequirement to restructure these institutions in acentralizedbodywithuniformpolicyguidingtofulfilltherequirementsofthemasses.

future challenges• Withrisingruralincomeandagriculturalexports,the

nextfewyearswouldwitnessasubstantialincreaseinthedemandforruralcredit.Thegrowingimportanceofanimalhusbandry,fishery,forestry,givingpreferenceforhigh value crops,maynecessitate involvement ofnewerfinancial agenciesor groups suchasSelf-HelpGroups (SHGs), non-banking financial institutionalcompanies (Babu et Subash 2009).There has been asubstantial increase in agricultural credit in the lastdecade.Butinordertomeetourtargetofmaintaining9%annualgrowthinGDP,theagriculturesectorhastoregisteranannualgrowthof4%onapermanentbasis.Forthis,largercapitalinfusionisrequired.Achievingminimum growth is a pre-requisite for inclusivegrowth, reduction of poverty levels, developmentof the rural economy and the enhancement of farmincomes(EconomicsurveyofIndia,2012).

• Agencies involvedinruralcredit,especiallyRegionalRuralBanksandCo-operatives,needtoberevitalizedbytheinfusionoffreshcapitalandlatesttechnology,with emphasis on greater autonomy, accountabilityandself-sustainability.

commercial banks, non-banking financial institutions,self-helpgroupstogetherrepresenttheinstitutionalruralcreditsysteminIndia.Thesenetworks,apartfromworkingasfinancialintermediaries,alsoplayakeydevelopmentalroleintheruraleconomy.

Asper the estimatesof theNational SampleSurvey,over 50% of cultivator households, mostly marginalfarmers, have virtually no access to credit (Committeeof Financial Inclusion 2008).Access of financial servicesthrough the formal financial network remains difficultfor the poor. “Thin penetration of banking and financialinstitutions in the rural areas,” “cumbersomenormsandprocedures of financial institutions,” “collateral-basedfinancing,”“systemicin-builtbiasagainstsmallborrowersbyformalbankingsystemswhichfeelburdenedwithsmalland frequent transactions,” “high operating expenses,”“ongoingopinionover thefinancial services topooras anon-profitablehighly riskyventure,” etc. are someof theprincipal reasons behind the hesitant approach of banksandfinancialinstitutionsinextendingtheirservicestothemassesonmargin.

Early efforts to extend credit to weaker sectionsthrough institutional channels in India include theenactment of the Cooperative Societies Act, in 1904,and thenationalizationof 14 commercial banks in 1969.Withtheaimtofurtherintensifytheeffortsofprovidinginstitutionalfinancialservicesinruralareas,theRegionalRuralBanks(RRBs)wereexclusivelymooted.TheNationalBankforAgricultureandRuralDevelopment(NABARD)was setupby thegovernmentasanapexandregulatorybodyinthefieldofruralfinancing.NABARDlaunchedtheSHG-BankLinkageProgrammein1992,todaythelargestmicrofinance programme in the world. The concept ofpriority sector lending became mandatory where bankshave to extend 40% of total advances to priority sectorsand18%toagriculture.TheEleventhFive-Year-Plan(2007-12) of India envisioned inclusive growth as a key policyobjective. It envisages restructuring thepolicies in ordertomakethegrowthfaster,broad-basedandinclusive.Thepolicies aim at increasing the income and employmentopportunitiesandthefinancingofprogrammescapableofmakingthegrowthmoreinclusive,suchasthedevelopmentofagricultureandsmallscaleindustries.

Problems in financial inclusion• With remarkable increase in the rural credit from

institutional agencies, the recent years have alsowitnessed the unprecedented high rate of defaultcases.Thegrowingcasesofdefaultshavebeenputtingan adverse impact over the financial health andsustainabilityofthelendinginstitutions.

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vision of industrialization andmodernization. Being thepioneerand leader inonlinebanking services inQuebecatthebeginningofthesixties,Desjardinshasalwaysbeenon the forefront to adopt the latest technology as a tooltoenhancethecostandserviceefficiency,all targetedtoprovidebetterandmoreaffordableservicestoitsmembers(Poulin,Goulet&Rivard2000).

Startingascooperativeunitbasedonthesmallsavingsofthepopulation,theDesjardinsgroupistodaythelargestfinancial group inQuebec, the top cooperative financialgroupinCanadaandthe6thlargestintheworld,with5.6million members and clients, 46,000 employees serving400,000businesses inCanada,and$190.1billionintotalassetsasofDecember31th,2011.Thesameyear,thehighlyregarded magazine Corporate Knights announced thatithasrankedtheDesjardinsGroupfirston its listof theBest50CorporateCitizens inCanada.Desjardins isalsoactive in 25 developing and emerging countries throughDéveloppement international Desjardins(DID).

conclusionTheRangarajanCommitteeofFinancialInclusionhas

defined Financial Inclusion as “the process of ensuringaccesstofinancialservicesandtimelyandadequatecreditwhereneededbyvulnerablegroupssuchasweakersectionsandlowincomegroupsatanaffordablecost.”Asanexample,Indiaisthelargestproducerofbananasintheworldanditholds23%of themarket shareof internationalbananaproduction.Becauseofalackofsupportinginfrastructuresorresources,smallfarmersareunabletoselltheirproducton the international market and India thus has almostzerosharesinglobalbananaexports.Asarapidlygrowingeconomy,Indiamusttapintothisunexploredpotentialtomaintainthemomentumofrapidgrowth.Indianeedstolearn lessons fromChinawhohasproven,byharnessingtheimmensepotentialoftheruraleconomy,thatfinancingweaker andmarginal sections is not charitywork, but asignificantsourceoffutureeconomicgrowth.

There has been appreciable progress in extendingfinancial services to poor and weaker sections in India.But all the collective efforts get marred by variousinstitutionalized problems.The specialized agencies, likeRRBs and Cooperatives, working exclusively in the fieldof socialbankingandfinancial inclusion,haveverypoorfinancialhealthindicators.Thesustainabilityandviabilityof these institutionshave remained thecauseofconcernfor theregulatingbodies.Largenumberofdefaults,highoperational expenses, tardive technological upgrades,etc. can be cited as some of the problems being facedby these specialized bodies. The presence of multipleagenciesworking in the common field of operations hasalso been led to numerous cases of defaults because of

• About70%ofthepopulationandover50%ofthetotalworkforce depends on agriculture for its livelihoodbut its contribution inGDPhas been falling steeply.With declining per capita productivity, it is a hugetaskforthedevelopmentagenciestoensureourgoalofinclusivedevelopmentbyrenderingtheagriculturalactivitiesprofitable.

lessons from desjardins grouPCanada is the country with the highest rate of per

capita cooperative presence, particularly inQuebec.Themain reason for such a strong cooperative environmentin Canada lies behind the pious efforts of AlphonseDesjardinsasthepioneerofthecooperativemovementinNorthAmerica.Attheturnofthe20thcenturyeconomicandsociallifeinQuebecwascharacterizedbyexploitativeand usurious lending practices due to the absence of aformal financial infrastructure.This led to pitiful livingconditions for common French Canadians; life-longindebtednesscausedthemto losetheir farmsandmeansoflivelihood,andthelackofcapitalpreventedthemfromadopting the latest technologies inagriculturalactivities,which resulted in poor agricultural productivity, theirprincipal sourceof livelihood.All this resulted in ahighrate of migration of poor Francophones to the UnitedStates,leadingtothedilutionoftheirculture,religionandlanguage.Thecurrent economicand social conditionsofruralIndiacannotdirectlybematchedwiththeconditionsofQuebecduring the early 20th centurybut someof thesimilaritiesandsolutionsadoptedcanbeinspiring.

AlphonseDesjardinserectedacooperativeinstitution,“the Caisse,” as a solution to the different problems ofpoor Francophones. He first focused on the mission toinculcate the habit of saving and exercising a prudentlife-style among thepoorFrancophones.These local andsmallsavingsbecametheseedcapitaloftheCaisseswhichwas further utilized for lending to individual membersfor productive purposes and for financing the local andcommunitydevelopmentactivitiesthroughinvestmentinlocal schools, hospitals andmunicipal bodies.Gradually,the Caisses became the centre of financial training forthecultural,economicandsocialemancipationofFrenchCanada.Italsobecamethemediumtopromotedemocracyandyouthbydesigningspecial“Caissesscolaires”cateringtotheneedsofchildren.TheDesjardinsgroupalsoworkedtoreducealcoholismandgamblingamongFrancophones.Desjardins’ Caisses were the principal source of shorttermagriculturalfinancingfortheprovincialgovernmentof Quebec during the first half of the 20th century.TheDesjardinsGroupwas also the selectedhonoredpartneroftheprovincialgovernmentofQuebecduringthesecondhalf of the 20th century when Quebec embarked on the

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by the normal financial infrastructure, a well-managedfinancial cooperative services network has the capacityto tap into and channel unexplored local capacities.Thesuccess of Desjardins can be an example to follow forIndianfinancialinstitutionsdedicatedtoofferingservicesunderasocialbankingandfinancialinclusionagenda.

reFerenCes

Chakrabarty,K.C.[2012]SocialBankingandFinance-Opportunitiesin Inclusion. 2nd FT-YES Bank International Banking Summit Mumbai. (RetrievedOctober15th,2012fromhttp://www.rbi.org.in).

Chakraborty, Shuvojit [2009] Securing Rural Credit, Kurukshetra, 58(1):21-23.

Committee of Financial Inclusion [2008] Report of Rangrajan Committee on Financial Inclusion. (Retrieved from http://www.nabard.org/pdf/report_financial/full%20Report.pdf ).

Hazra, Anupam [2009] Poverty in Rural India: Jeopardizing the FutureGrowth.Kurukshetra,58(1):32-35.

Singh, Gurmeet [2009] Need and Nature of Rural credit in India.Kurukshetra,58(1):16-19.

multi-financing and over-financing. Commercial banks,RRBs, Cooperatives, NBFCs, MFIs along with ForeignBankscompletethemapoffinancial inclusionandsocialbanking programmes in India and their participation intheagendaoffinancialinclusionhasresultedinaincreaseof beneficiaries and a quantum of financing to weakersections.

Understanding an institution like the DesjardinsGroupandthewayithasmanagedtogrowintothelargestcooperative financial network of Canada, when foundedon the small savings of people whowere excluded fromthe formal financial network should inspire the agendafor policymakers in India. By concentrating first on thesmall savings of the poor, prudent lending policies withproductivepurposesandthetrainingofborrowerstowardfinancial emancipation, Desjardins has grown to thepoint that ithasbeenable toadopt the latest technologyto reduce the operational expenses to remainfinanciallyandtechnologicallyviableand,withadequatesupervision,to expand its domain of operations in different fieldsof financial activities to allow its customers a singlewindowaccesstoalltheirfinancialservicesrequirements.Desjardinshasprovedthat,startingwithpeopleneglected

les activitÉs bancaires socialement resPonsables et l’inclusion financière en inde: leÇons de l’eXPÉrience de desjardins

Le comité d’inclusion financière de la Banquenationale pour l’agriculture et le développement(NABARD) a défini l’inclusion financière commele: procédé utilisé afin d’assurer l’accès aux services financiers ainsi qu’à des opportunités adéquates de crédit par les groupes vulnérables, par exemple les groupes plus faibles et les groupes plus pauvres, à un coût abordable. Un système bancaire socialementresponsable et l’inclusion financière sont devenusd’unegrandeimportanceafind’amenerlespopulationsmarginaliséesàentrerdanslanormalité.

Le système bancaire socialement responsablepermet de diminuer les coûts des services, et doncde les rendre abordables et accessibles pour les plusvulnérables.750millionsdesgenslespluspauvresdanslemondeviventdansleszonesruralesdespaysenvoiededéveloppement.Cesgensontunniveaud’éducationplusbasetsontmoinsensanté.Deplus,ilsontunaccèslimitéàdesservicesdebasetelsquel’eauetlesservicessanitaires. Paradoxalement, bien qu’ils dépendent del’agriculturepoursurvivre,ilssouffrentdelafaimetdel’insécuritéalimentaire.

L’absencedeservicesbancairesetdecréditacces-sibleestconsidéréecommelaraisonpremièrederrièrecettepauvretédemasse.L’expériencedémontreeneffetque les conditions de vie d’une famille s’améliorentdrastiquement lorsqu’elle accède à des services decréditabordables.

inclusion financièreLefinancementtraditionneldansleszonesrurales

en Indeconsiste enun système incluantdesprêteurs,despropriétairesterriens,desfermiersbiennantis,desmarchands, etc. Les fonds ainsi obtenus de sourcesnon institutionnelles et informelles sont souvent unesourced’exploitationet sont caractériséspardes tauxd’intérêt élevés, des pratiques usuraires provoquantl’endettement prolongé et même intergénérationnel.Afin de contrer cette exploitation, un grand nombred’agences, incluant des coopératives, des banquesrurales régionales, des institutions financières autresquedesbanques,desgroupesdesoutien,interviennentdans le paysage bancaire rural et représentent lesinstitutionsmodernesdecrédit.Cesréseauxtravaillentcomme intermédiaires financiers en plus de jouer unrôleprimordialdansl’économierurale.Le11ePlandecinqansenvisageaitlacroissanceéconomiqueinclusivecomme un objectif primordial. Le plan envisage de

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restructurerlespolitiquesafind’accélérerlacroissanceéconomique et d’assurer l’inclusion économique surl’ensembleduterritoire.Lespolitiquesontétémisesenplace afind’accroître lesopportunitésd’emplois et lesrevenus et ont prévu l’accroissement du financementdes programmes susceptibles de rendre la croissanceplusinclusive.

Les défis du programme d'inclusion financière en inde:• L’augmentation remarquable du crédit dans les

milieux ruraux grâce aux agences institution- nelles s’est aussi accompagnée d’un haut tauxde défaut de paiements, ce qui a eu un impactnégatifsurlasantéfinancièreetlapersistancedesinstitutionsusurières.

• Les efforts autour de l’inclusion financière sontmajoritairementrestreintsàl’assistancefinancière.Lenombreimportantdecasdedéfautdepaiementsdans des secteurs prioritaires démontre quenousnous sommes écartés du but initial d’augmenternotre potentiel d’action et la responsabilisationfinancière des populations, spécialement desfemmesetdesautresgroupesvulnérables.

• La présence de multiples agences offrant ducrédit dans un même secteur d’opération et unedispersionducréditd’unemanièrenoncoordonnéerésultent dans certains cas enun surfinancementde certaines activités, ou enun sous-financementd’autresactivités.

• L’absence de technologies de pointe ou le délai à les obtenir, en particulier dans les coopéra- tives et les BRRs, affectent les coûts et l’efficacité des opérationsdans l’extensionde servicesfinan-ciersabordables.

• Avec l’augmentation du niveau de vie et desexportations agricoles, les prochaines annéesverrontuneaugmentationdelademandepourducréditrural.

Leçons du groupe desjardinsAu tournant du 20e siècle, la vie sociale et

économique du Québec était caractérisée par despratiques usuraires, principalement dues à l’absenced’infrastructures financières institutionnelles acces-sibles auxmoins nantis.Cet état des chosesmenait àdes conditions de vie difficiles pour les canadiens-françaisquisetrouvaientainsisurendettésetpouvaientdoncperdreleurpropriétéagricoleetdoncleurgagne-

pain. Les difficultés d’accès au crédit responsablelimitaientaussil’accèsauxnouvellestechnologiesdanslesecteuragricolerésultantenunefaibleproductivitédusecteur.Cela résultaenunhaut tauxdemigrationdesfrancophoneslespluspauvres.Lesconditionssocio-économiques de l’Inde rurale actuelle ressemblent àcertainségardsàcellesduQuébecdu20esiècle.

En1900,AlphonseDesjardinsfondalaCaisse,uneinstitution coopérative. Il se concentra d’abord sur lapromotiondes valeurs d’épargne et d’unmodede vieprudent parmi les francophones pauvres. LesmaigresépargneslocalesfurentàlabaseducapitaldesCaissesetfurentutiliséespouraccorderducréditauxmembresindividuels à des fins productives, mais aussi pourfinancer le développement local et celui des activitéscommunautaires. Après des débuts très modestes, legroupe des caisses Desjardins est aujourd’hui le plusgrand groupe financier au Québec, en plus d’être laplus grande coopérative financière au Canada. Elleest la sixième plus grande coopérative financière aumonde,avec190.1milliardsd’actifset5.6.Millionsdemembres-clients.Ellecompte46,000employés,servant400,000entreprisesauCanada.

EnInde,ilyaunprogrèsappréciablepourfaciliterl’accès des services financiers par les populationsplus vulnérables, mais tous ces efforts collectifs ontété marqués par divers problèmes institutionnels.Les agences spécialisées comme les BRRs et lescoopérativesquitravaillentexclusivementàdévelopperles activités bancaires socialement responsables etl’inclusion financière ont des indicateurs de santéfinancièrequiinquiètentlesagencesderéglementation.Ces inquiétudes se basent particulièrement sur lenombre élevé de défauts de paiement, les dépensesopérationnellesélevéesetleretarddansl’adoptiondesnouvelles technologies qui entravent leurs efforts depromotion de l’inclusion financière. Une institutioncommeDesjardins peut être une source d’inspirationpourlesresponsablesdespolitiquesdedéveloppementdel’inclusionfinancièreenInde.Àtraverslamobilisationde l’épargne des pauvres et des politiques prudentesde crédit à des fins productives, la formation et lasupervision des emprunteurs, Desjardins a démontréquelatranchedelapopulationnégligéeparlesgrandesinstitutions financières peut représenter un immensepotentielsinousarrivonsàmobiliseretàorganisersescapacitésinexplorées.

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building PartnershiPs and revieWing aPProaches for equitable access to health carebilkis vissandjée, Professor, Faculty of Nursing, Université de Montréal.

jaya singh, Director of Research and Program Development, Save A Mother, India.

lakshmi lingan, Professor and Deputy Director, Tata Institute of Social Sciences Research, Mumbai.

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bacKgroundBuildingonadiversityofchallengesandexperiences

betweenhealthresearchersinIndiaandinCanadaoverthepastfiveyears,thegoalofthischapteristodemonstratehowapartnershipacrossbordersandviewpointscancoalescearoundconvergingpreoccupations:theidentificationandprocessesofintegratingasexandgenderlensintoprogramsand policies addressing tuberculosis (TB) prevention,detection and management in vulnerable contexts. Wewish to discuss the values added of multidisciplinary,inter-sectoralcollaborative,strengths-based,participatoryapproaches as essential ingredients for the development,implementation and evaluation of sustainable, ethicaland quality interventions and training programs for TBprevention,detectionandmanagement incountriessuchasIndia.

Using examples from a diversity of case studies,our aim is to demonstrate the importance of gatheringor deriving sex and gender sensitive data in order todevelopandimplementinterventions.Theseareinviewofenhancingthehealthsystemperformanceandofferabestqualityofcaretowomen,menandfamilies.

Thebiologicalconceptof“sex”needstobedistinguishedfromthenotionof“gender.”Genderisgenerallydefinedinthesocialrealm,comparedtothebiologicalanchorofthenotion of “sex” (Johnson,Greaves and Repta, 2008).Thelatterisgenerallyconstant,whiletheformerisperpetuallyin flux, socially defined and responding to the social,cultural,economicandpoliticaldictatesofagivensociety.Gendercanbroadlybeashowawoman,aman,aboy,ora girl is perceived and expected tobehave in the societywhere he or she “belongs” (Iyer, Sen and Östlin, 2008;VissandjéeandPai,2008).Therefore,whiletheterms“sex”and “gender” may be often used interchangeably, theyrepresentdistinctunitsofanalysis.

Accountingforsexandgenderinhealthrequiresthatinterventions, programs and policies are examined inorder to unravel potential situations of inequality in thedistribution of resources, as well as the differing socialdeterminants of access to services for women and menin selected spheres of a society. Accounting for sex andgenderinhealthrequirestheconsiderationofdifferentialtrajectories and, if and when appropriate,must, like thedeclaration of human rights, be reinforced by ethicalvalues,namelyhighlightthelevelofresponsibilityofthosewhoareboundtodeliverqualityhealthcareservicesforall(SelgelidandRelchman2011).

inroads to equity: accounting for the social determinants of health

Tuberculosis (TB), an infectious disease caused bythe tuberculin bacillus Mycobacterium tuberculosis, isoftenassociatedwithhighmortalityifleftuntreated;yet,despitebeingtreatablewithantibiotics,tuberculosisranksasthesecondmostfatal infectiousdisease(WHO,2011).Because it is contagious, theprevalenceofTB ishigh indenselypopulatedenvironmentswherehousing ispoorlyventilated; such situations are typical in shantytowns oflargeurbancities in India. In2011, Indiahadoneof theheaviestburdensofTBcasesofanycountryintheworld.There is also the additional burden of a form of extraresistantTB (Kamineni et al., 2011). Its estimated 2.0 to2.5millioncasesrepresented26%oftheglobalburdeninIndia(WHO,2011).

While a great deal of progress has been made inglobalTBcontrol inrecentyears throughthe large-scaleimplementation of DOTS (Directly Observed TreatmentwithShortcourseregimen)andtheavailabilityofeffectivediagnosticsandantibiotictreatment,theglobalincidenceofTBandMDR-TB(multi-drugresistantTB)remainson

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inareducedtendencyofwomenandgirls toseekoutoraccesshealthcare services. Inaddition,womenandgirlsoftenhavefewerservicesavailabletothemandexperiencemorephysicalandmentalillnessescomparedtomenandboys(SenandOstlin,2008).

Introducing sex and gender dimensions in theassessmentofTBismorethanascertainingwhichsexhasa higher prevalence rate, or a higher fatality rate. It alsoincludeslookingatotherissuessuchasdifferencesinriskofexposuretoinfection,inhealth-seekingbehaviourandhealth systems response, economic consequences, andstigmaassociatedwithbeingknownasawomanoramanwith TB. Consequently, though somemay contend that,giveninconsistentdefinitionsandmetrics,aconsiderationof sex and gender is too complex a task, the reflectionspresentedinthischapterpointtotheneedtoshifthealthcareprofessionals'focustotheethicalconsequencesofnotdoingso.

In light of this complexity, negotiations within theresearch team centred on a number of questions:Whatarethecomplexsocial,politicalandeconomicforcesthatdifferentiallyshapethelivesofwomenandmen,especiallythose in difficult health situations—the very people forwhomwemustdevelopprogramsandstrategiesthattaketheir living environment into account?Would it not beconsistenttostressthataninterventiongearedtowardstherecognitionof strengths shouldbe included inprogramswhenthereisariskofdisempowerment?Whataboutthecapacityforresilienceandcollectiveaction,forbuildingontheresourcesofthenetworkevenasthediseaseheightensthe risk of stigmatisation? How does a participatoryapproach with an equity lens contribute to alleviatingvulnerability?

The partnership-based approach rests on an aspi- ration to tolerance, knowledge and cultural diversity,one which would be rooted in social and economicresponsibility. This approach is consistent with findingsthat involvement in community health initiatives, withor without economic incentives, often incurs benefitsin the areas of education, employability, social respectand personal empowerment, resulting in a mutuallybene-ficial engagement at the individual and community level, assuming there is alignment of the context- specificexpectationsofcommunitymembers,programmemanagersandpolicymakers(Glentonet al.,2010).

With such a background, it is expected that sexand gender sensitivity allows better deciphering of thecomplexity of health experiences that emerge at loci ofdailyinteractionsattimesattheheartofunequalrelationsand rights (Sen and Ostlin, 2008). To echo Sen (2009),oneneedstobeawarethattheconditionsofvulnerabilityassociated with gender and migration experiences dopotentiallyaffectfreedomandrights.

the rise.TheglobalTB targets,namely,detecting70%ofcases, successfully treating 85%of the latter andhalvingthe prevalence and TB associated mortality by 2015 aspartoftheMillenniumDevelopmentGoals(MDGs)couldlikelybemetonlyifcurrentsexandgendersensitiveeffortsareintensifiedandtargetedtoreachthemostvulnerable.Efforts,incountriessuchasIndia,toprovideeffectiveandaccessible TB prevention, identification and treatmentare fraught with multiple, interrelated challenges suchas near-global health-system transitions, challengingcoordination between private and public providers,guidelines standardization with the private sector,increasing rural-urbanaswell as internationalmigrationleading to selected co-morbid issues such as HIV/AIDS,diabetes,malnourishment, and alcohol and tobacco use.Againstsuchabackdrop,thispapercallsforsexandgendersensitive interventions carried out with a participatoryapproach to fulfil the Millennium Development Goalswhile addressing trans-disciplinary and intersectoralchallenges associated with TB identification, preventionandmanagement(WHO,2010).

The literature indicates that sex and gender-relatedinequalitiesplayadecisiveroleinthespreadandcontrolof TB (Somma et al., 2008).These include the risks ofexposure to thebacteria, the typesof requests for care,thereactions inhealthcaresystems,thesocio-economiccontext, and the risk of stigmatisation. These samestudiesshowthatwomenandmenwithTBareaffectedby stigma differentially. Such perceptions have beenfoundtoaffectwomenmoreoftenthanmen, leadingtosituations of withdrawal both from the family networkand from the health and social-services system. In acomparativeanalysisof likelihood todiscloseTBstatusin India,menwere twiceas likelyaswomentodisclosetoaconfidant(Sommaet al.,2008).AlthoughmoremengenerallycontractTB,thediseaseisliabletohaveserious,evenfatal,consequenceswhenwomenare infected,anditisoneofthemaincausesofdeathamongthem(WHO,2011).However,thecuresuccessrateishigherforwomenthan men, who are more prone to abandon treatmentbeforecompletion(WHO,2011).

Introducingasexandgenderlensisessentialtoenablean improved understanding of the influence of societalnormsregardinggenderrolesonequitableaccesstohealthcare.Societalnormsoftenimpactthesocialdeterminantsofhealthinawaythatdirectlydisadvantageswomenandgirls.Particularlyinlowtomiddleincomecountries,suchas India,womenandgirls are found to experience lowerincome, reduced access to and representation withinthe workforce, a disproportionate care-giving burden,increased exposure to violence and higher degrees ofpovertyandmarginalizationcomparedtomenandboys.Thenegative impacts of these social determinants result

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mortality ratio over three years, using simple, low-cost,socialmarketingtoolsdeliveredbylocalhealthpromoterswith frequent repetition of key messages (SAM, 2011).This approach is now being implemented along withwomenandmentowardsmoresensitiveTBmanagementstrategiesinruralUP.

Intersectoral and international partnerships havebeenintegraltothesuccessofSAM’sprograms.InUttarPradesh, SAMpartnerswithRajivGandhiMahilaVikasPariyojana (RGMVP) based in Lucknow. RGMVP hashelpedcollectivizeover400,000womenacross200blocks of UP and are in the midst of scaling up to over one millionmembers.Whiletheirprimaryfocusismicrocreditand finance, SAM provides the technical expertise for healthcare and leverages RGMVP’s platform to reach women and families through organized groups. Thispartnership has allowed the maternal health programto scale to over 50,000 villages in UP through furtherpartnerships with UNICEF and The Gates Foundation.Likewise, in Karnataka, SAM partners with localorganizationsinordertoamplifythereachofprograms.

ThereisahighburdenofTBintheareaswhereSAMworks,almostsevenfoldhigherthanpreviouslyreported.In addition, there appears to be a gender bias in termsof TB detection and management. In such a scenario,partnership of local NGO's with the government runRNTCP program andDOTS centres is instrumental forTB management programs. Currently, less than 35% ofhouseholds in rural Uttar Pradesh are aware of the freenationalpublichealthprogramfordiagnosisandtreatmentof TB (District Level Household and Facility Survey, 2007-2008). In addition, data from a pilot study of 25villagesinUPindicatethatwomenarelesslikelythanmen to get tested for TB; while 60% of men with TBsymptomsunderwentsputumtesting,only40%ofwomenwith symptoms identified through communitymeetingswent fordiagnostic tests.Consequently,SAM isworkingwith local and government partners to strengthen sex,genderandmigrationexperiencesensitiveTBmanagement,preventionanddetectioninpartnershipwithlocalwomenandmeninselectedtargetareas.

The qualitative impacts of these programs weredemonstrated to transcend health care. Empoweringwomenthroughhealthknowledgehas increaseddemandfor public health services leading to an improvement inpublic health delivery aswell as other in realms such asattitude towards educationof thegirl-child. Such resultsreinforce the importanceof integratinga sexandgenderapproachwiththegoalofenhancedequityinhealthserviceaccess and reflexive ethical integrity in overall healthprogramsinadditiontotheonesaimedatTBprevention,detectionandmanagement.

interdisciPlinary and intersectional PartnershiPs

In terms of ethics, as partnerships are built, terms,approaches,scientificandexperientialknowledgeofeachmember need be accounted for. Agreeing on definitions(ofsex,gender,migration,socialvulnerability,risk,amongotherconcepts);agreeingonresultsinthesearchforbestpractices; and agreeing on how to adapt and implement“best practices” in the field, we were able to create acommon and innovative dynamic relation aswe evolvedinourpartnership.Determinantsofeffectiverelationshipscall for“interculturaleffectiveness”andstresssuchskillsas acknowledgment of mutual strengths, interpersonaladaptabilityandaspiritofinitiativetodevelopcollaborativestrategiesmakers (Vissandjee et al., 2002;Glenton&. al,2010;South,Kinsella&Meah,2012).

The common goal of fostering social transformationand changes in practice requires respect; respect inacknowledging differences, in allowing for specificcontributions and varying knowledge-sharing strategies.Our researchgroupwasbuiltup through teamwork andcooperation; our emphasiswas on sex and gender issuesinTB-protection,detectionandmanagementprogramstoensuretheyreachthosewhoaremostvulnerable.

While what was discussed in this chapter aimed toimplement TB prevention and treatment best practicesand sensitive processes to social context for countriessuchasIndia,thescientificandsocialimplicationsextendbeyond geographical specificity. Assessing internationalTBprogramsandliteraturerelatedtoTBpreventionandmanagement accounting for sex, gender and migrationexperiencesensitivityisexpectedtoalsobenefitprogramsin Canada, given the increasing diversity of migrationsource countries. In Montreal, Quebec, Canada, about 150 cases per year occurred from 2000 to 2006, 80% ofwhichaffectedwomenandmenbornoutsideofCanada.InmanypartsofCanada,Indiahasremainedthesecondmostimportantsourcecountryfornewimmigrantssince1997(in 2006, 12.2% of new permanent residents in CanadawereborninIndia).

inroads to equity: PartnershiP in action, the case of Save a Mother (sam)

Save A Mother (SAM), a non-governmentalorganization (NGO) founded in 2008, works to designhealth care solutions for rural communities in India,with a focus on maternal and child health and TB.SAM has had astounding success with a behaviorchange communication program formaternal health inpartnershipwithlow-incomewomeninUttarPradeshinIndia.SAMhasachieveda90%reductioninthematernal

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reFerenCes

Glenton, C., Scheel, I.B., Pradhan, S., Simon, L., Hodgins, S. &Shrestha, V. [2010] The female community health volunteerprogrammeinNepal:Decisionmakers’perceptionsofvolunteerism,payment and other incentives. Social Science & Medicine, 7,1920-1927.

Iyer, A., Sen, G. & Östlin, P. [2008] The intersections of gender and class in health status and health care. Global Public Health, 3(1):13-24.

Kamineni, V.V., Turk, T., Wilson, N., Satyanarayana, S. & SinghChauhan, L. [2011] A rapid assessment and response approach toreview and enhance Advocacy, Communication and SocialMobilisation forTuberculosisControl inOdisha State, India.BMCPublicHealth,11:463-476.

Selgelid,M.J.&Relchman,L.B.[2011]EthicalissuesinTuberculosisdiagnosis and treatment. International Journal of Tuberculosis and Lung Disease,15(6):9-13.

Sen,A.[2009]TheIdeaofJustice.BostonandLondon:AllenLane.

Sen,G.&Östlin,P.[2008]Genderinequityinhealth:whyitexistsandhowwecanchangeit.GlobalPublicHealth:AnInternational Journal for Research, Policy and Practice,3(1):1-12.

Somma,D.,Thomas,B.E.,Karim, F.,Kemp, J.,Arias,N.,Aueur,C. & Weiss, M.G. [2008] Gender and socio-cultural determinants of TB-trelated stigma in Bangladesh, India, Malawi and Colombia.International Journal of Tuberculosis and Lung Disease,12(7):856-866.

Vissandjée,B.,Abdool,S.&Dupéré,S.[2002]FocusGroupsinRuralGujarat, India:AModifiedApproach.QualitativeHealthResearch,12(6):826-843.

Vissandjée,B.&Pai,M.[2007]TheSocio-culturalChallengeinPublicHealthInterventions:TheCaseofTuberculosisinIndia.InternationalJofPublicHealth,52:199-201.

Vissandjée, B., Hyman, I., Janczur, A. & Villefranche, M. [2012]SearchingforPromisingHealthPromotionPracticesforImmigrants:AccountingforIntersectingDeterminants.InRootman,I.,Dupéré,S.,Pederson, A. & O’Neill, M. (Eds.) Health Promotion in Canada (3rdEd.).Toronto,Ontario:Canadian Scholars' Press, Inc.

World Health Organization (WHO) [2010] Guidance on ethics oftuberculosisprevention,careandcontrol.Geneva:WHO.

avenues for further reflectionGlobal partnerships, incorporating participatory

researchapproachesareneededtoaddresssociallyrelevantresponsesandpracticestoglobalhealthissues(Vissandjee& Pai, 2007). Community-oriented, gender-sensitivepartnershipscannotbeoverlookedtoaddressbothsocio-cultural barriers to care as well as resources of those providingtreatment.TBprogramsandservicesneedandshould be designed to provide outreach and home-visitsforwomenandmenwhocannotleavetheirhomes,flexibleopeninghoursataccessibleandsecurecliniclocationsaswellashealthworkerstrainedto identifyandrespondtochallengesassociatedwithsocialprocessesandstigmaastheyaffectTBmanagementandcontrol.

We have argued that in order to better understandthe significant variations that may enhance women andmen’s capacities for resilienceor conversely expose themto situations of risk, programs such as the ones for TBprevention,detectionandmanagementmustbeadjustedtobetterdealwithand,indeed,highlighttheintersectingnatureofthesocialdeterminantsofhealth.Educationandtrainingstrategiesamongadiversityofhealthcareworkers–fromlaytospecialists–mustallowforsimultaneityinthe analysis of the relationship between disease, healthcare delivery systems, sex and gender and socio-culturalpatternsastheyarebuiltinthelivingconditionsofwomenand men going through selected health experiences.Interdisciplinary and inter-sectoral partnershipsmust reinforce this need for the integration of such anempowermentdrivenandequitybasedapproachtoethicalinterventionsinpublichealth.

Initiatives to redress persistent gender inequitiesneed to address both the lack of resources and barriers(basic needs approach) as well as the opportunity toattain personal (including health) outcomes (capabilitiesapproach); both are integral components of effectivehealthprogramsfrompreventiontotreatmenttakingintoaccount the involvement of communities (Vissandjee et al., 2012).Mainstreaminggenderandequityneeds tobeacknowledged as a critical aspect in the prevention andcontrolofinfectiousdiseasessuchastuberculosis.

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la crÉation de Partenariats et l’Étude des aPProches Pour un accès Équitable auX soins de santÉ

L’intégration des notions de sexe et genre dansl'évaluation de la tuberculose requiert d’aller au-delàdel’identificationdequi,hommeoufemme,auntauxélevédeprévalenceoudemortalité.Cetteappréciationdesdifférencesentre lessexesexigedesepenchersurd'autres questions telles que les différences de risqued'exposition à l'infection, aux comportements desanté,auxréponsesétabliesparlesystèmedesanté,lesconséquences économiques et sociales, incluant uneperceptiondestigmatisation.

Sicertainspeuventprétendreque,comptetenudedéfinitionsimprécises,parfoisincohérentes,d’outilsdemesure limités sinon inexistants de ces déterminantsde la santé que sont le sexe, le genre et l’expériencemigratoire, l’effort d’inclure ces considérations faitpartiedesargumentsprésentésdanscechapitre.Ilestimportantquelesprofessionnelsdelasantésepenchentetsoientforméspourlefairesurl’éthiqueinhérentedeleurpratiquequisedoitd’êtresensibleàcestrajectoiresdiversifiéesdes femmes,deshommes,desfilles etdesgarçonsrequérantdessoinsdesanté.

C’est dans le cadre d’une telle complexité que leprésentchapitreviseàillustrerlesdiversesnégociationsque les partenaires (chercheurs et intervenants terrain) ont construites au sein de l'équipe de recherche, ense basant, pour ce faire, sur certaines questions: Dequelle façon doit-on, peut-on tenir compte des forcessociales, politiques et économiques qui façonnentla vie différemment des femmes et des hommes, en

particulierdans ledomainede la santé, alorsquedesprogrammessontcensésêtreélaborés justementpourles rejoindre?Dequelle façondoit-ondoser lanaturedesimplications,delaparticipationdanslesstratégiesvisantl’empowermentafindenepassedéresponsabiliseren tant qu’intervenant ou de mettre inutilement despersonnesdansdessituationsàrisque?Qu'enest-ildelacapacitéderésilienceetdesressourcesdanslesactionscollectivesàconsidéreralorsquec’estsouventleréseaude soutien lui-même qui est à l’origine de certainesperceptionsdestigmatisation?Commentuneapprocheparticipativeavecuneperspectived'équitécontribue-t-elleàatténuerlavulnérabilité?

Nous soutenons que dans le but de mieuxcomprendre les variations importantes qui peuventaméliorerlescapacitésdesfemmesetdeshommespourlarésilienceouaucontrairelesexposeràdessituationsderisque,desprogrammestelsqueceuxdepréventiondelatuberculose,deladétectionetdelagestiondoiventêtreajustésafindemieuxtraiteret,eneffet,soulignerle caractère intersectionnel des déterminants sociauxdelasanté.Lesstratégiesd'éducationetdeformationàmettreenplaceauprèsd’unediversitédeprofessionnelsdelasantédoiventainsipermettrelasimultanéitédansl'analyse de la relation entre les systèmes de santé etlesdéfisd’uneprestationdesoinsdequalitédansuneperspectiveéthiqueetdejusticesociale.Despartenariatsinterdisciplinaires et intersectoriels construits dans lerespect et l’éthique devraient permettre de renforcercettenécessitédel'intégrationdesdéterminantssociauxdelasantéversuneresponsabilisationbaséesurl'équitéetl'éthiquedansledomainedelasanté.

the research pole on india and south asia (prias) is a research network composed of india specialists

from Canada, France, and india.

Its main objective is to develop interdisciplinary expertise in order to better understand the dynamics shaping the region and its people by facilitating dialogues between academics from around the world. PRIAS encourages the development of exchanges among government agencies, local and international institutions, as well as students and concerned citizens. The core axes of research initiatives developed by PRIAS are Cultural diversity in South Asia and Contemporary challenges of pluralism in the region.

http://www.cerium.ca/Prias

Canadian studies programme (Csp) of the Centre for Canadian, us and Latin american studies, school of international studies (sis) at jawaharlal nehru

university (jnu), new delhi is a full-fledged area studies programme on Canada in an indian university. First of its kind, the Csp is a taught-cum-research programme at the master’s and doctoral level on contemporary Canada. after its establishment in 2001-02, the programme has produced many doctoral and research monographs

on Canada, a substantial number of which have a focus on quebec.

The scope and objective of the CSP are as follows:

• to develop and expand inter-disciplinary studies on Canada including facilitating research and education about Canada;

• to provide outreach programming to the wider community including scholarly conferences/ workshops, field trips and developing curricula for under- and post-graduate studies on Canada in order to raise awareness about Canadian realities in India; and

• to foster productive exchanges between Indian and Canadian scholarship on themes of mutual interest with a view to improve India-Canada bilateral relations.

Le Centre d’études ethniques des universités montréalaises(CEETUM)estun regroupement stratégique soutenupar leFondsde recherche sur la société et la culture (FRQ-SC). Ils’agit d’un centre de recherche interuniversitaire etpluridisciplinaire qui regroupe des chercheurs provenant de sept institutions universitaires, spécialisés dans l’étude des relations ethniques au Québec, au Canada et ailleurs dans le monde par la participation à des projets ou réseauxinternationaux.

LeCEETUM intègre aussi desmembres provenant d’autresorganismesgouvernementauxoudesmilieuxdepratique.Leregroupement comprend quatre universités partenaires:l’Université de Montréal, qui assure la gestion du centre,l’UniversitéduQuébecàMontréal,l’UniversitédeSherbrookeet l’Institut national de la recherche scientifique-CentreUrbanisationCultureSociété.

La perspective théorique qui définit le programme derecherche du CEETUM permet d’aborder la persistance del’ethnicité, sous sesdiversmarqueurs, comme facteur expli-catif des inégalités ou comme ressort de mobilisation quigénèrentdesdébatsimportantssurlesmodèlesdecitoyennetéàprivilégier.Lesquatreaxesdesaprogrammationsont:

• Intégrationdespersonnesissuesdel’immigration:spatialité,économieetcohabitation

• Éducationetrapportsethniques

• Langues,identités,relationsintergroupes

• Pluralitéreligieuse:enjeuxsociaux,politiquesetjuridiques

TheCentred’étudesethniquesdesuniversitésmontréalaises(CEETUM)supportedbytheFondsderecherchesurlasociétéetlaculture(FRQ-SC)oftheQuebecgovernment.isaninter-university andmultidisciplinary research centre that bringstogether researchers from seven university institutions,specializing in the study of ethnic relations inQuebec andCanadaaswellaselsewhereintheworldthroughparticipationininternationalprojectsandnetworks.

TheCEETUMalsoincludesmembersfromgovernmentandcommunityorganisations.Thegroup includesUniversitédeMontréal,whichmanagestheCentre,UniversitéduQuébecàMontréal,UniversitédeSherbrookeandInstitutnationaldelarecherchescientifique-CentreUrbanisationCultureSociété.

The theoretical perspective defining CEETUM’s researchprogram addresses the persistence of ethnicity under itsdifferentmarkersasafactorcontributingtoinequalitiesorasalaunchingpointforimportantdebatesonthedesirablecitizenship models. The four main components of theprogramare:

• Integration of Immigrants: Spatial Factors, Economy andCohabitation

• EducationandEthnicRelations

• Languages,IdentitiesandIntergroupRelations

• ReligiousPlurality:Social,PolicyandLegalIssues

http://www.ceetum.umontreal.ca