Phrasal and Boundary Tones in Shingazidja -...

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Phrasal and Boundary Tones in Shingazidja Cédric PATIN STL (UMR 8163 – Université Lille 3 & CNRS) Conférence en l’honneur d’Annie RIALLAND Paris – 3-4 juillet 2014

Transcript of Phrasal and Boundary Tones in Shingazidja -...

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 Phrasal and Boundary Tones in Shingazidja

Cédric PATIN STL (UMR 8163 – Université Lille 3 & CNRS)

Conférence en l’honneur d’Annie RIALLAND

Paris – 3-4 juillet 2014

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Ne  parle  pas  de  trop  de  choses  !  Anonyme.  

 July  3,  2014,  sur  une  péniche.    

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 Introduction

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Introduction  

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  Announcement of a course by Firmin Ahoua: (http://www.als.rutgers.edu/Ahoua.html)

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Introduction

  Annie lead the field in Tone-Intonation interface (in African languages)

  see for instance her recent works with Martial Embanga Aborobongui, with Laura Downing on Intonation Phrases in Chichewa and Embosi, her works on the African ‘lax’ question prosody…

  Purpose of this talk: to demonstrate that Intonational Phrases are associated with a H% in Shingazidja.

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Introduction

  Shingazidja: Bantu language [G44a] spoken on Grande Comore (Comoros)

  one of the five Comorian languages, along with Shindzuani [G44b], Shimwali [G44c], Shimaore [G44d] and Shikombani.

  Data = mostly recorded in Paris with my first informant, Ibrahim Barwane (‘Western’ dialect – Moroni [M]), and in Lille with my current informant, Said Mohamed (‘Washili’ dialect – [W]), except:

  ‘Southern’ dialect [S]: Said Bacarzme (Fumbuni) – 07/08 & 03/09

  ‘Northern’ dialect [N]: Mohamed Miraddji Lihoma (Mbeni) – 07/08 & 03/09

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Outline

  Introduction

  Background on Phonological Phrases in Shingazidja

  Background on Intonational Phrases in Shingazidja

  Boundary Tones in Shingazidja

  (Is there any) Phrasal Tones in Shingazidja (…yet)?

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This talk builds on a joined work with Kathleen O’Connor > O’Connor & Patin (under revision)

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 Background on Phonological Phrases in Shingazidja

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Phonological Phrases: Background   Rules identified and discussed by Tucker & Bryan (1970),

Cassimjee & Kisseberth (1989, 1992, 1993, 1998), Philippson (1988, 2005), Patin (2007, 2008, 2009)

  1. ‘Unbounded’ tone shift (evidence for phonological phrase boundaries) blocked by a following underlying tone bearing unit1:

(1) a. wa-leví drunkards (2) b. i. wa-levi wá-raru three drunkards ii. wa-levi wa-íli two drunkards iii. wa-leví pia all drunkards c. i. ha-wono má-βaha he saw (some) cats ii. ha-wono wa-lévi he saw (some) drunkards

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Phonological Phrases: Background   2. The tone shift leads to the deletion of every even-

numbered tone (OCP)

(2) ha-wono wa-lévi wa-il!í

1PER-see 2-drunkard 2-two ‘he saw two drunkards’

(3) ha-wono mí-pira mi-!íli

1PER-see 4-ball 4-two ‘he saw two balls’

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Phonological Phrases: Background   In (4), the tone shifts from the verb to the last word of the

sentence.

(4) ha-wono n-dovu m-ɓíli 1PER-see 10-elephant 10-two ‘he saw two elephants’

  However, the tone shift rule cannot apply eveywhere. In (5), the tone of the subject cannot shift to the verb.

(5) m-limadjí ha-rem!é paha 1-farmer 1PER-beat (5-)cat ‘a farmer beat a cat’

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(5’) ( m̩-limadjí )Φ ( ha-rem!é paha )Φ 1-farmer 1PER-beat (5-)cat ‘a farmer beat a cat

MLIMADJI HAREME PAHA

50

150

60

80

100

120

140

Pitc

h (H

z)

Time (s)0 1.17964

M  

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Phonological Phrases: Background   Phonological phrase boundaries – (…)Φ – block the shift of

the tone.

  A PhP boundary separates two coordinated nouns – (N) (& N) –, adverbs from a following VP – (Adv) (VP) –, a noun from a non restrictive relative – (N) (Relnon restr. ) –, etc.

  Phonological phrases roughly correspond to XPMAX

(6) ( tsi-nika wa-nɖu má-pes!á )Φ 1SG.PER-give 2-person 6-money ‘I gave money to people’

(Cassimjee & Kisseberth 1992)

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(6’) ( tsi-nika wa-nɖu má-pes!á )Φ 1SG.PER-give 2-person 6-money ‘I gave money to people’

TSI NI KA WA NDRU MA PE SA

60

130

80

100

120

Pitch

(Hz)

Time (s)0 1.41215

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Phonological Phrases: Background

  The augment, as in other Bantu languages, is preceded by a PP boundary…

(7)  ( ha-niká )Φ   ( ye=ɲ-uŋgu $n-dz!íro )Φ                1PER-give AT9=9-pot 9-heavy          he gave the heavy cooking pot

  …except when it cliticises to a preceding element.

(8)  ( ha-nik’=é )Φ   $( ɲ-uŋgu $n-dz!íro )Φ                1PER-give=AT9 9-pot 9-heavy          he gave the heavy cooking pot

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Phonological Phrases: Background

  The phrasing is also conditionned by Focus in Shingazidja

  In (9), the focalised verb phrases separately from the object

(9) a. ( [ŋg]am-andzo $tʃáy )Φ < /tʃaí/ 1SG.PRE-like 9.tea

‘I like tea’

b. ( [ŋg]am-andzó )Φ ( tʃa!í )Φ & ‘I LIKE tea’

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M  

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 Background on Intonational Phrases in Shingazidja

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Intonational Phrases: Background

  Consider (7’):

(7’) $( ha-niká )Φ   ( ye=ɲ-uŋgu $ $n-dz!íro )Φ                          1PER-give AT9=9-pot 9-heavy

           ‘he gave the heavy cooking pot’

  In (x), the tone of the word ‘pot’ does not shift up to the final syllable of the sentence > Nonfinality

(7’’) $*ha-niká ye=ɲ-uŋgu n-dziró

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NB. A tone can appear on the last syllable of a sentence – e.g. (x)

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Intonational Phrases: Background

  Nonfinality has been claimed to be the clue for Intonational Phrases, following F. Cassimjee & C. Kisseberth :

  "Non-finality affects the last element in an intonational phrase" (Cassimjee & Kisseberth 1993)

  "Nonfinality refers to the Intonational Phrase" (Cassimjee & Kisseberth 1998:127)

  Also in Philippson (2005), and Patin (2007, 2008)

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Intonational Phrases: Background

  These last years, however, I felt more and more uncomfortable with this analysis (e.g. Patin 2010)

  The main reason: in my data, Nonfinality, when it occurs elsewhere than in the utterance-final position, is always (?) associated with…

  a Contrastive (Focus?) interpretation

  a Mid (or downstepped H?) tone on the final vowel

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Intonational Phrases: Background

(10) a. [ ( tsi-wono m-lévi ya-ha-w!á )φ ]I   1SG.PER-see 1-drunkard 1REL.PER-15-fall ‘I saw a drunkard that fell’ b. [ ( tsi-wóno )φ ]?      [ ( m-leví )φ ( ya-ha-w!á )φ ]I   ‘I SAW a drunkard that fell’

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M  

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(10’) a. [ ( tsi-wono m-lévi ya-ha-w!á )φ ]I   b. [ ( tsi-wóno )φ ]?      [ ( m-leví )φ ( ya-ha-w!á )φ ]I   ‘I saw / SAW a drunkard that fell’

M  

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Intonational Phrases: Background

  NB: if the tone is on the last syllable, the vowel is lengthened:

(11) [ ( leóo )φ ]?    [ ( ha-lim!í)φ ]I                        <  /leó/ today 1PER-cultivate ‘TODAY, I have cultivated’

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leo: halimi60

180

100

150

Pitc

h (H

z)

Time (s)0 1.308

M  

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Intonational Phrases: Background  

  From another side, Nonfinality is not observed where an Intonational Phrase boundary is expected

•  e.g. no Nonfinality in the end of non-restrictive relative clauses (Patin 2010)

(12) wa-limadjíˑ $| $wa-faɲ-á-o $ $hazí $| &2-farmer 2REL.PER-do job

wa-l!émewa 2PER-to be tired ‘Farmers, who work, are tired.’

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Except if….

M  

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(12’) wa-limadjíˑ $| $wa-faɲ-á-o $ $hazí $| 2-farmer 2REL.PERS-do job

wa-l!émewa 2PER-to be tired ‘Farmers, who work, are tired.’ *An  op5onal  rule  raises  a  trigger  when  it  occurs  

on  a  stressed  syllable,  before  a  H  

*  M  

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Intonational Phrases: Background   > Nonfinality may not be the proper clue to the

identification of Intonational Phrases (evidence for the Utterance phrase level?).

  NB. other phenomena were claimed to operate at / be clues for the Intonational Phrase level (they will not be discussed here):   Initial Accent Deletion (the initial tone of a Phonological Phrase

is optionally deleted if the preceding Phonological Phrase ends in a High) – Cassimjee & Kisseberth 1992

  Tone liaison in the Northern dialect (the final tone of a non-final Phonological Phrase spreads to the first syllable of the following Phonological Phrase) – Patin 2009

  Penultimate lengthening (while irregular) in the Northern dialect (the penultimate syllable of the utterance is long) – Patin 2009

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 Boundary tones

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Boundary tones

  In this section, I will discuss the results of a research conducted on appositives in Shingazidja

  Building on these results, I will claim that Nonfinality is not the proper clue for Intonational Phrasing

  Our proposal (NB. ≠ our talk at Bantu5): Intonational phrasing is signaled by a H% if non-final (and probably by a L% if final, while it’s far from being clear)

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Restrictive  apposition  

  No prosodic boundary between anchor and appositive – tone shifts from anchor to appositive

(13)  Djumwa $m-léví$ | $ha-ɾem!é $pah[a] &

Juma 1-drunkard 1PER-hit 5.cat

‘Juma the drunkard hit a cat’

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Djumwa mléví haremé pah(a)

60

140

80

100

120

Pit

ch (

Hz)

Time (s)

0 1.54

(13’)  Djumwa $m-léví$ | $ha-ɾem!é $pah[a] & Juma 1-drunkard 1PER-hit 5.cat ‘Juma the drunkard hit a cat’

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W  

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Restrictive  apposition  

  No prosodic break between the apposition and the rest of the clause

(14) tsi-nika $Djúmwa $m-levi$ $ɲ-!úmɓa &

1SG.PER-give Juma 1-drunkard 10-house

‘I gave Juma the drunkard a house’

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Non-restrictive apposition

  A prosodic break separates the anchor from the appositive

  The tone on the anchor does not shift onto the appositive

(15) Djumwá | m-leví | ha-ɾem!é pah[a] Juma 1-drunkard 1PER-hit 5.cat ‘Juma, a drunkard, hit a cat’

  Appositive always followed by a pause, may be preceded by a pause

 

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Djumwá mleví haremé pah(a)

70

150

80

100

120

140

Pit

ch (

Hz)

Time (s)

0 2.177

(15’) Djumwá | $ m-leví $| ha-ɾem!é $pah[a] &Juma 1-drunkard 1PER-hit 5.cat ‘Juma, a drunkard, hit a cat’

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W  

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(15’’) Djumwá | $ m-leví $| ha-ɾem!é $pah[a] & Juma 1-drunkard 1PER-hit 5.cat ‘Juma, a drunkard, hit a cat’

Djumwá mleví haremé paha

60

140

80

100

120

Pit

ch (

Hz)

Time (s)

0 1.844

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W  

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Non-restrictive apposition

  The appositive is also followed by a prosodic boundary

  The tone on the appositive fails to shift rightward

(16) tsi-nika$ $Djúmwá | $m-leví$ | $ɲ-umɓ!á &1SG.PER-give Juma 1-drunkard 10-house ‘I gave Juma, the drunkard, a house.’

  Question: What type of boundary (PPh or IPh) is associated with apposition?

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Non-­‐restrictive  apposition  

  Prosodic boundaries •  In other languages IPh boundaries are associated with (the

right edge of) apposition (see Selkirk 2005, and references therein)

•  Recall that in Shingazidja, IPh boundaries were claimed to be indicated by extraprosodicity

  However…

(17) Djumwá | $m-limadjí | ha-ɾem!é $pah[a] &Juma 1-farmer 1PER-hit 5.cat ‘Juma, a farmer, hit a cat’

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Djumwá mlimadjí haɾemé pah[a]

60

130

80

100

120

Pit

ch (

Hz)

Time (s)

0 1.652

(17’) Djumwá | $m-limadjí | ha-ɾem!é $pah[a] & Juma 1-farmer 1PER-hit 5.cat ‘Juma, a farmer, hit a cat’

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W  

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Non-­‐restrictive  apposition  

  Is it a PPh boundary and not an IPh boundary (Patin & O’Connor’s 2012 analysis)? •  Problem: PPh boundaries are not ‘spontaneously’ associated with

pauses •  Problem: If an appositive is a CP, it should be associated with an

IPh, not a PPh. This is the case for non-restrictive relatives in other Bantu languages (e.g. Mbochi – Beltzung et al. 2010; Zulu – Cheng & Downing 2007))

  Conclusions •  The boundary is an IPh boundary •  Extraprosodicity is not the main indicator for IPhs

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Non-­‐restrictive  apposition  

  Our proposal: (Non-final) IPh boundaries are indicated by H%

•  A sequence of PPh results in downstepping

(18) [ ( ye= m-limadjí )ɸ$ ( $ha-nik!á )ɸ& AT1=1-farmer 1PER-give

( e=m-lev!í )ɸ $( e=ɲ-umɓ!á )ɸ ]ɪ & AT1=1-drunkard AT9=9-house

‘The farmer gave the house to the drunkard’

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ye=mlimadji hanika e=mlevi e=nyumba

80

150

100

120

140Pi

tch (H

z)

Time (s)0 2.017

(18’) [ ( ye= m-limadjí )ɸ ( ha-nik!á )ɸ& AT1=1-farmer 1PER-give

( e=m-lev!í )ɸ$ ( e=ɲ-umɓ!á )ɸ ]ɪ& AT1=1-drunkard AT9=9-house

‘The farmer gave the house to the drunkard’

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Non-­‐restrictive  apposition  

  Final tones of non-restrictive appositives are not downstepped

  So the right boundary of an appositive is an IPh and not a PPh

  > IPh boundaries are indicated by H%

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Djumwá mleví haremé pah(a)

70

150

80

100

120

140

Pit

ch (

Hz)

Time (s)

0 2.177

(153) Djumwá | $ m-leví $| ha-ɾem!é $pah[a] & Juma 1-drunkard 1PER-hit 5.cat ‘Juma, a drunkard, hit a cat’

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Non-­‐restrictive  apposition  

  Further evidence for H% and IPh boundaries

•  In stacking, the final tones of subsequent appositives are not downstepped (or the downstep is minimal)

(19) Djumwá | m-leví | ɗaɓá $| ha-ɾem!é $paha &Juma 1-drunkard 5.idiot 1PER-hit 5.cat ‘Juma, a drunkard, an idiot, hit a cat’

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Djumwámleví

ɗaɓá haɾemé pah[a]

70

150

80

100

120

140

Pit

ch (

Hz)

Time (s)

0 2.648

(19’) Djumwá | m-leví | ɗaɓá $| ha-ɾem!é $paha &Juma 1-drunkard 5.idiot 1PER-hit 5.cat ‘Juma, a drunkard, an idiot, hit a cat’

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(12) wa-limadjíˑ $| $wa-faɲ-á-o $ $hazí $| 2-farmer 2REL.PERS-do job

wa-l!émewa 2PER-to be tired ‘Farmers, who work, are tired.’

Also (recall):

M  

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Non-­‐restrictive  apposition    Additional evidence:

•  The final tone of a NRA is much higher than the final Hs of the PPs inside

(20) $Djumwá || $haβ(ah)á | $[y]a-tsó-na $ $hazí || &

$Juma now rel(pas)1-neg-have job $&

$ha-ɾem!é $paha &

$1(pas)-hit $5.cat #

$‘Juma, at this time without work, hit a cat’&

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Djumwá haβ(ah)á (y)atsóna hazí haɾemé pah[a]

70

150

80

100

120

140

Pit

ch (

Hz)

Time (s)

0 2.205

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(20’) $Djumwá || $haβ(ah)á | $[y]a-tsó-na $ $hazí || & $Juma now rel(pas)1-neg-have job &

$ha-ɾem!é$ $paha &$1(pas)-hit $5.cat #$‘Juma, at this time without work, hit a cat’&

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  Additional evidence (Manus & Patin 2011)

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Non-­‐restrictive  apposition  

  Further evidence for IPh boundaries •  The beginning of the appositive may be subject to Peak Delay,

which usually occurs at the beginning of sentences •  Peak Delay: a tone that should appear on the first or second syllable

shifts to the subsequent syllable

(21) $Aɓuɗú $| $ye=twaɓiɓu $m=ó=m-ra[y]a=ní $| & Abudu AT9=9.doctor 1[.of]=LOC=quarter=in m-tãã́lːamu $w=[h]ahé | $zé=m-ɓwaɗe $ &1-expert 1(.of)=POSS3 AT10=10-illness z-á=n-tsi $ z-a=djuwá | ŋg’=e $djiɾani $ w-á=hangú &10-of=10-country 10-of=5.sun is= AT1 neighbor 1-of=POSS1 ‘Abudu, a local doctor, an expert on tropical medicine, is my neighbour.’

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Non-­‐restrictive  apposition  

  Interim summary for IPs •  Non-restrictive appositives are separated from the HC by prosodic

boundaries •  The boundary following the appositive is an IPh, as evidenced by

the presence of a H% •  The boundary preceding the appositive is an IPh, as evidenced by

Peak Delay

  Question: Is the IPh of the appositive embedded in the IPh of the HC or is it prosodically independent •  Embedding: [ Anchor [ NRA ]IPh VP ]IPh •  Independence: [ Anchor ]IPh [ NRA ]IPh [ VP ]IPh

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Non-­‐restrictive  apposition  

  Evidence for embedding (NB. consistent with the syntactic analysis) •  The apppositive exhibits a H% but the anchor does not

(22) Djaná $ | $Djumw!á | $[ha]nika $m-l!ímadj’=e $| &yesterday Juma 1PER-give 1-farmer=AT1 m-leví$ $|| $e=ɲ-umɓ!á &1-drunkard AT9=9-house ‘Yesterday, Juma gave a farmeri, the drunkardi, the house’

•  If the anchor were at the end of an IPh, we would expect it to exhibit a H%

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Djaná Djumwá [ha]nika mlímadj’=e mleví e=ɲumɓá 70

175

80

100

120

140

160

Pitc

h (H

z)

Time (s)0 2.527

(22’) Djaná $ | $Djumw!á | $[ha]nika $m-l!ímadj’=e $| &yesterday Juma 1PER-give 1-farmer=AT1 m-leví$ $|| $e=ɲ-umɓ!á &1-drunkard AT9=9-house ‘Yesterday, Juma gave a farmeri, the drunkardi, the house’

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Conclusion

  Appositives are separated from the HC by prosodic boundaries

  The boundaries are IPh boundaries

  H% is the main indicator of IPh boundaries, rather than

extraprosodicity/Nonfinality

  The IPh is embedded within the IPh of the HC, rather than being

prosodically separate

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Thank you !